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# The Demonology of King James I_ Includes the Original Text of Daemonologie and News from Scotland
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> Source: `The Demonology of King James I_ Includes the Original Text of Daemonologie and News from Scotland.pdf`
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---
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THE DEMONOLOGY
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OF KING JAMES I
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#### DONALD TYSON
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## DEMONOLOGY
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##### THE
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## KING I
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##### OF
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# JAMES
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Llewellyn Publications
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Woodbury, Minnesota
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The Demonology of King james I: Includes the Original Text of Daemonologie and News from
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Scotland© 2011 by Donald Tyson. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be used
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or reproduced in any manner whatsoever, including Internet usage, without written
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permission from Llewellyn Publications, except in the case of brief quotations embod
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ied in critical articles and reviews.
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First Edition
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First Printing, 2011
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Book design by Donna Burch
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Cover art © Dover Publishing
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Cover design by Kevin R. Brown
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Editing by Tom Bilstad
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For a complete list of illustration sources, see page 328.
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Llewellyn is a registered trademark of Llewellyn Worldwide Ltd.
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data (Pending)
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ISBN: 978-0-7387-2345-7
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Llewellyn Worldwide does not participate in, endorse, or have any authority or respon
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sibility concerning private business transactions between our authors and the public.
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All mail addressed to the author is forwarded but the publisher cannot, unless specifi
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cally instructed by the author, give out an address or phone number.
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Any Internet references contained in this work are current at publication time, but the
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publisher cannot guarantee that a specific location will continue to be maintained. Please
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refer to the publisher's website for links to authors' websites and other sources.
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Llewellyn Publications
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A Division of Llewellyn Worldwide Ltd.
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2143 Wooddale Drive
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Woodbury, MN 55125-2989
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www.llewellyn.com
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Printed in the United States of America
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OTHER BOOKS BY DONALD TYSON
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The Messenger
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(Llewellyn, January 1990)
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|
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Ritual Magic: What It Is & How To Do It
|
||
(Llewellyn, January 199 2)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Three Books of Occult Philosophy
|
||
(Llewellyn, January 1 99 2)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Scrying For Beginners
|
||
(Llewellyn, February 1997)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Enoch ian Magic for Beginners: The Original System of Angel Magic
|
||
(Llewellyn, September 2002)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Familiar Spirits: A Practical Guide for Witches & Magicians
|
||
(Llewellyn, January 2004)
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Power of the Word: The Secret Code of Creation
|
||
(Llewellyn, March 2004)
|
||
|
||
|
||
1-2-3 Tarot: Answers In An Instant
|
||
(Llewellyn, October 2004)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Necronomicon: The Wanderings of Alhazred
|
||
(Llewellyn, December 2004)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Alhazred: Author of the Necronomicon
|
||
(Llewellyn, july 2006)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Portable Magic: Tarot Is the Only Tool You Need
|
||
(Llewellyn, October 2006)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Soul Flight: Astral Projection and the Magical Universe
|
||
(Llewellyn, March 2007)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Grimoire of the Necronomicon
|
||
(Llewellyn, August 2008)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Runic Astrology
|
||
(Llewellyn, July 2009)
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy
|
||
(Llewellyn, November 2009)
|
||
|
||
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The 13 Gates of the Necronomicon
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(Llewellyn, July 201 0)
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##### CONTENTS
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Illustration Captions . . . xi
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Introduction: james and the Witches . . . 1
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DEMONOLOGY
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The Preface: To the Reader . . . 45
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The First Book . . . 53
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Chapter I . . . 55
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Chapter II . . . 63
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Chapter III . . . 67
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Chapter IV . . . 73
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Chapter V . . . 81
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Chapter VI . . . 89
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Chapter VII . . . 99
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The Second Book . . . 103
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Chapter I . . . 1 05
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Chapter II . . . 1 1 1
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Chapter III . . . 1 1 5
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Chapter IV . . . 1 2 1
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Chapter V . . . 127
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Chapter VI . . . 137
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Chapter VII . . . 1 43
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The Third Book . . . 147
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Chapter I . . . 149
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Chapter II . . . 157
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Chapter III . . . 163
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Chapter IV . . . 1 69
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Chapter V . . . 1 73
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Chapter VI . . . 1 79
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X CONTENTS
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NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
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To the Reader . . . 187
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A True Discourse . . . 189
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Appendix A: Original text of Daemonologie . . . 221
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Appendix B: Original text of News From Scotland . . . 285
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Appendix C: Witchcraft Act and Tolbooth Speech of
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james the First . . . 301
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Bibliography . . . 307
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Index . . . 313
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ILLUSTRATION CAPTIONS
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Figure 1: Original title page of Daemonologie, 1597, reproduced in
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the Bodley Head reprint. page xv
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Figure 2: Turning the riddle, or sieve, from the Opera omnia of Cor
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nelius Agrippa, sixteenth century. It is difficult to judge from the
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illustration, but it may be that the oracle was given when the sieve
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slipped down between the blades of the shears, causing it to ro
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tate slightly. page 77
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Figure 3: Knot magic was believed to be a favorite method of
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witches. A sorcerer stands on a headland and sells two sailors
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favorable winds bound up in three knots. In the background an
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other ship has been driven into the rocks by adverse winds and
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has foundered. From Olaus Magnus' Historia de gentibus septentri
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onalibus, 1 555. page 78
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Figure 4: A complex magic circle from Reginald Scot's Discoverie of
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Witchcraft, 1584. Below it is the descriptive text: "This is the circle
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for the master to sit in, and his fellowe or fellowes, at the first call
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ing, sit backe to backe, when he calleth the spirit; and for the fair
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ies make this circle with chalke on the ground, as is said before."
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page 87
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Figure 5: Four familiar demons perform tasks for witches. In the
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center, one sweeps out a stable; left, another digs for treasure with
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a pointed rod; top, a third draws four witches through the clouds
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in a wagon; right, the fourth creates a wind to propel a ship. From
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Olaus Magnus' Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, 1 555. page 93
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Figure 6: Satan impresses his mark into the forehead of a young
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male witch, from Francesco Maria Guazzo's Compendium Malefi
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carum, 1626. page 1 13
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Figure 7: Witches kiss the Devil's buttocks, from Francesco Maria
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Guazzo's Compendium Maleficarum, 1 626. page 1 19
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XI
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XII ILLUSTRATION CAPTIONS
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Figure 8: A winged demon supports a witch flying on a pitchfork,
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from Ulrich Molitor's Hexen Meysterey, 1 545. Demons are often
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depicted riding with witches through the air on their brooms or
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staffs. The intention is to show that the Devil provides the occult
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power that propels the witch through the air, not the witch her
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self. page 125
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Figure 9: A female witch raises a storm to sink a ship by pouring liq
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uid from a small kettle while brandishing a knife. Note the waning
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crescent of the Moon. In the lower part of the panel, a male witch
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with a skull-headed staff sits and bewitches livestock. From Olaus
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Magnus' Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus, 1 5 55. page 134
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Figure 10: A werewolf attacks a traveler just outside the gate of a
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town. A woodcut from johann Geiler von Kaysersberg's Die
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Emeis, 1 5 1 7. page 1 55
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Figure 11: An incubus seduces a witch in a secluded meeting place.
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From Ulrich Molitor's Von den Unholden und Hexen. page 1 67
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Figure 12: A knight approaches in supplication the queen and king
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of fairy and their court, who wait to greet him beneath a fairy
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knoll. page 1 77
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Figure 13: Public execution by burning of three witches in Derne
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burg, Germany, from a 1 555 broadsheet. At the right we see two
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of the witches setting fire to a building, while a man lies appar
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ently dead outside the door. The background shows an execution
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by beheading with a sword, and three learned and prosperous
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men who watch the burning of the witches and comment upon
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it. At the top, a demon descends to catch the soul as it leaves the
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mouth of one of the dying witches. Center, two men tend the
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fire. When witches were burned alive, it sometimes happened
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that their bindings burned off before they died, and they had to be
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cast back into the fire when they tried to escape. page 1 84
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Figure 14: Original title page from a 1 592 edition of News From Scot
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land, reproduced in the 1924 Bodley Head reprint. page 185
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ILLUSTRATION CAPTIONS XIII
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Figure 15: This is one of two woodcuts in the Bodley Head reprint
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of an early edition of News From Scotland that was not designed
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specifically for the work. It may have been included to suggest
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how the North Berwick witches were chastised with a rod before
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Kingjames and the chief magistrate. page 191
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Figure 16: The initial of two woodcuts included in the first edition
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of News From Scotland, designed to illustrate the material in the
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text. In the Bodley Head reprint of a slightly different 1 592 edi
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tion of the tract, this woodcut is reproduced twice-just after the
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title page, and again in the body of the work. Clockwise from the
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left, it depicts the Devil of the North Berwick witches preaching
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from an outdoor pulpit to an audience of female witches while
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john Pian sits at a table recording his words with pen and paper; a
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ship foundering in a storm at sea; four female witches brewing a
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potion in an iron kettle with a long-handled ladle, a peddler lying
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upon his side; and finally, the same peddler lying in a similar pos
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ture in a wine cellar in Bordeaux, France. page 197
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Figure 17: The second of two woodcuts made specifically for the
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first edition of News From Scotland depicts the activities of john
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Fian. Clockwise from the upper right, we see Pian attempting to
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remove the bewitchment from an amorous cow; Pian riding on
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an illuminated black horse behind a man clothed in a black cape
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and hat; the church at North Berwick; and a gallows. The cow
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refers to the story attributed to Fian that was borrowed from the
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Golden Ass of Appuleius. As for the illuminated horse, part of the
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charges read against Pian at his trial were that when he was rid
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ing past Tranent on horseback with another man in the middle
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of the night, he "by his devilish craft, raised up four candles upon
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the horse's two legs, and another candle upon the staff which the
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man had in his hand; and gave such light, as if it had been day
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light; like as, the said candles returned with the said man, upon
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his homecoming; and caused him to fall dead at his entry within
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the house." The gallows, which appears to have been inserted
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XIV ILLUSTRATION CAPTIONS
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into the woodcut, shows that the artist was an Englishman, since
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witches were burned in Scotland, not hanged. page 200
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Figure 18: This is the second of two woodcuts in the 1 924 Bodley
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Head reprint of a 1 592 edition of News From Scotland that was not
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created specifically for the tract. It is located at the end of the work,
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after the text, and appears to show a man being led to prison be
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tween a jailor with keys hanging at his waist and a nun who grasps
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the man by the ear. page 203
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Figure 19: Wedges are driven into the boots to shatter the bones in
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the shins and ankles of the unfortunate man being tortured. At
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the right, a standing inquisitor asks questions while one seated at
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a desk records the man's confession. Although this is not a partic
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ularly good illustration of the boots themselves, it does show the
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type that were used in Scotland during the North Berwick affair.
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A woodcut from the late sixteenth century. page 2 1 8
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Figure 20: Title page to the first edition of News From Scotland, pub
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lished in 1 592. page 284
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## DAEMONOLO· fjiE<69> IS( _ FO<46>MB of a 'Dialogue<75>
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Diuidcd into threcB **o** kes.
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EDINIVJlOB
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## by <20>bert . .
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#### Printed Wa/Je grttlle.J
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Print« to the KingsMajdlic. An.1sn•
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##### C I RI Pri'uiltgi l lgil.
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Figure 1
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DEMONOLOGY,
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In the Form
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of a Dialogue,
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Divided into Three Books.
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Edinburgh
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Printed by Robert Waldegrave
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Printer to the King's Majesty, anna 1597.
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With Royal Privlege.
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### INTRODUCTION
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#### james and the Witches
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THE ONCE AND FUTURE KING
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James Stuart was born on June 19, 1566, at Edinburgh, from the
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union of Mary, Queen of Scots, with her second husband, Henry
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Stewart Lord Darnley. When his mother was forced to abdicate her
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throne by Queen Elizabeth, James was proclaimed King James the
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Sixth of Scotland on July 24, 1567. For the first twelve years of his life
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he was not permitted to participate in state affairs, but was kept for
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his own security in Sterling Castle, safe from the constantly bickering
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Scottish factions.
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Physically he was weak and sickly, a misfortune of health that
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played a significant part in his tendency in later life to achieve his
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purposes by manipulation and deceit rather than the bold exercise
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of power. For the first six or seven years of his life he was unable
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to stand up or walk without aid. As a young man he developed a
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love for horseback riding, but it was necessary that he be tied on
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to his horse due to the weakness in his legs, and once when he fell
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into a body of water while out riding he nearly drowned because he
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was unable to help himself. Throughout his life he preferred to walk
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leaning on the shoulder of an attendant.
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Weakness of body was in part compensated for by keenness of
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intellect. When Sir Henry Killigrew saw the boy in 1574 he was im
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pressed by the skill of eight -year-old James in translating Latin and
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2 INTRODUCTION
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French texts. From an early age he was trained by his guardians in
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the Protestant faith, and developed an aversion for Catholicism, al
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though this did not prevent him from sending a letter to the pope in
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1 584, hinting that he might be persuaded to change his faith if it for
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warded his political goals. James was always ready to imply friend
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ship and favor, provided there was no actual necessity of ever giving
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them.
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There seems little doubt that James was a coward. He fought
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against this tendency throughout his life, but it was his nature and
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he could never overcome it. In 1 582 he was kidnapped by a faction
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of Scottish nobles during the Raid of Ruthven. Although he was
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then old enough to shave, he was so terrified of his captors that he
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cried like a child. Sir Thomas Lyon, one of the men keeping him
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hostage, gruffly told the young king it were better 'bairns [children]
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should greet [cry] than bearded men." James parted from his cap
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tors in 1 583 and began to rule his kingdom, but always remained
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timid. The Marquis de Fontenay, French ambassador to the Scottish
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court during the early part of his reign, spoke of James as cowed by
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the violence around him. When in 1 587 his mother was executed by
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order of Elizabeth, he made little effort to prevent it.
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His personal appearance and manners were not attractive. He
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had a tendency to bluster and make promises he had no intention
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of ever fulfilling. He talked too much in a very thick Scottish ac
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cent, and was pedantic and put on airs of scholarship that he did not
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merit. In dress he was slovenly and unclean. His physical caresses
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and frequent gifts to male favorites in his court gave rise to gossip
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that he was homosexual. A these tendencies were strongly despised
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by the English people when he ascended to the throne of England in
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1 603 at the death of Elizabeth, but they swallowed their distaste and
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welcomed him in a practical spirit, as the only alternative to bitter
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civil war.
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In 1 589 James married Anne, second daughter of Frederick the
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Second, king of Denmark. This union between the Protestant mon
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||
INTRODUCTION 3
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arch and the Protestant princess greatly alarmed the Catholic fac
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tions in England and Scotland, who saw their hope for a restoration
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of the papacy slipping away. Until this marriage, James had done
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his best to maintain a cordial relationship with both the Vatican and
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the royal family of Spain, but this choice of a bride left no question
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about his religious leanings. Perhaps the only romantic and coura
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||
geous action James ever took was to sail out to meet Anne after her
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ship was driven by storm into the port of Oslo in Norway. It was
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there that James enjoyed his first night of connubial bliss with his
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fifteen-year-old bride.
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The trials of the North Berwick witches (who received this title
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because they were supposed to congregate in the kirk, or church, at
|
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North Berwick near Edinburgh in the dead of night to meet with
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||
the Devil and concoct their plots) took place mainly between the
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years 1590 and 1592, although the fallout of the affair dragged on for
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years. It marked a major turning point in the thinking of the young
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king. The charges against the accused included numerous attempts by
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magic on his life, and even one effort to kill the queen while she was
|
||
on her voyage from Denmark to England. Previously James had only
|
||
faced plots by the rebellious Scottish nobles that endangered his life by
|
||
physical means, but now he found himself and his new bride threat
|
||
ened by the supernatural.
|
||
James keenly interested himself in the trials, and was a direct par
|
||
ticipant in much of the questioning. He mentioned in his Tolbooth
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speech of 1 591 (see Appendix C) that the proceedings against the ac
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||
cused witches occupied him for a full nine months, and it would not
|
||
be excessive to say that he was the prime mover in the whole affair.
|
||
Undoubtedly he observed the torture of the accused, and heard the
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||
confessions wrung from their own agonized mouths. He was grati
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||
fied to learn from Agnes Sampson that the Devil considered him to
|
||
be his chief opponent, and it was for this reason that Satan hated
|
||
him and wished to bring about his death. She testified that when
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||
the witches asked Satan why he hated the king so much, the Devil
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||
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||
|
||
4 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
replied: "By reason the king is the greatest enemie hee hath in the
|
||
world."
|
||
By this extraordinary statement the Devil cast James into the role
|
||
of an avenging knight of the Christian faith. James was fond of mak
|
||
ing reference to the warrior mounted upon a white horse (Revela
|
||
tion 1 9: 1 1-16) who is prophesied to descend to Earth to punish the
|
||
wicked in the latter days, which James believed to already have ar
|
||
rived. As an intensely religious man, and as the leader of his nation
|
||
in matters military, spiritual, and judicial, it would have been difficult
|
||
for James to decline the role of Satan's chief adversary. He accepted
|
||
it as a challenge and spent the better part of the next four decades
|
||
trying to do it honor.
|
||
Since this mythic figure upon his white horse is so central to the
|
||
view James held of his own crusade against witchcraft, it is worth
|
||
quoting the relevant verses from the King James Bible version of the
|
||
text:
|
||
|
||
|
||
And I saw heaven opened, and behold a white horse; and he
|
||
that sat upon him was called Faithful and True; and in righ
|
||
teousness he doth judge and make war.
|
||
His eyes were as a flame of fire, and on his head were
|
||
many crowns; and he had a name written that no man knew
|
||
but he himself:
|
||
And he was clothed with a vesture dipped in blood: and
|
||
his name is called The Word of God.
|
||
And the armies which were in heaven followed him upon
|
||
white horses, clothed in fine linen, white and clean.
|
||
And out of his mouth goeth a sharp sword, that with it he
|
||
should smite the nations: and he shall rule them with a rod
|
||
of iron: and he treadeth the winepress of the fierceness and
|
||
wrath of Almighty God.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Can there be any doubt that James saw in the brave knight on the
|
||
white horse with "many crowns" a reflection of himself? Or that the
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 5
|
||
|
||
|
||
sharp sword that proceeds from his mouth was for james the book
|
||
Demonology and the 1 604 Witchcraft Statute of England? He viewed
|
||
himself as a general in the army of Christ, "clothed in fine linen,
|
||
white and clean." It must have struck James as significant, in light of
|
||
this biblical passage, that the accused North Berwick witches sought
|
||
to bring about his death by procuring a piece of linen that he had
|
||
soiled, so as to use his bodily excretions in their magic against him.
|
||
James was a strong believer in the supernatural and the power of
|
||
magic, but he ascribed all working of magic to the Devil. He did not
|
||
recognize what Cornelius Agrippa called "natural magic," or what
|
||
was sometimes termed "white magic," as a lawful activity. The ef
|
||
ficacy of herbs and stones was either an inherent part of their com
|
||
position, and so a matter of medicine and science, or it was infused
|
||
into them by the power of Satan in order to deceive those who used
|
||
them for healing or other purposes. For James, there was no such
|
||
thing as occult forces that could be used for benevolent purposes.
|
||
On the one hand there was the power of God, which had ceased to
|
||
produce prophecies or miracles since the time of Christ, and on the
|
||
other hand there was the power of Satan, which waxed stronger in
|
||
the modern age than at any other time in history due to the immi
|
||
nence of the end of the world, and was responsible for all marvelous
|
||
effects that were other than natural.
|
||
The supernatural must have terrified him at least as much as the
|
||
political intimidations used by his Scottish nobles. In an effort to
|
||
know his spiritual enemies as well as he knew his temporal foes, he
|
||
made an extensive study of the available literature on the subjects
|
||
of magic, witchcraft, and demons. It is tempting to assume that his
|
||
reading was wider than it was deep. Summers wrote disparagingly
|
||
about the degree of learning he displayed in his treatise on witch
|
||
craft: "In many passages King james has borrowed from the Conti
|
||
nental demonologists, whom he read with more diligence than acu
|
||
men. For all his zeal and dexterous learning one feels that there is
|
||
something just a little superficial in his grasp of the more scholarly
|
||
|
||
|
||
6 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
writers and theologians" (Summers, Geography of Witchcraft, page
|
||
|
||
224).
|
||
In the king's defense, he had been present during the actual ques
|
||
tioning of the accused North Berwick witches, and had heard their
|
||
testimony, so James' knowledge of the subject was not entirely the
|
||
oretical, as was the knowledge of his critic Summers. In any case,
|
||
James was hardly about to instruct his readers in the finer points
|
||
of practical necromancy and witchcraft, regardless of how much
|
||
theoretical knowledge he might himself possess. The purpose of
|
||
his book, which arose as a direct visceral reaction to the North Ber
|
||
wick trials and the supposed plots against his life by magic, was to
|
||
increase the persecution of witches in Scotland and England. Every
|
||
thing in the work is tailored to achieve this end.
|
||
Shortly after assuming the English throne in 1603, James ordered
|
||
a new edition of his book published in London so that he could ex
|
||
tend his crusade against witchcraft into England. A Dutch transla
|
||
tion was published in 1 604, and Latin editions came off the presses
|
||
in Hanover in 1604 and 1 607. A year after his coronation, James suc
|
||
ceeded in getting the 1563 witchcraft statute that had been enforced
|
||
during most of the long reign of Elizabeth abolished, and a new
|
||
statute erected in its place that contains harsher and broader punish
|
||
ments for witches and practitioners of magic. So keen was James on
|
||
this matter that his reinterpretation of the witchcraft laws went to
|
||
the House of Lords for consideration only eight days after the first
|
||
sitting of parliament of his reign as the English king, and passed on
|
||
first reading.
|
||
The main difference between the law of Elizabeth and that
|
||
of James concerned what should be the focus of the punishment.
|
||
Under Elizabeth, those who practiced witchcraft and sorcery were
|
||
subject to the most severe punishment only if they were found to
|
||
have used these arts to commit murder or other injuries. It was the
|
||
crimes in which witchcraft had been employed that were the pri
|
||
mary object of punishment, not the practice of witchcraft itself,
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 7
|
||
|
||
|
||
which was of secondary concern. James wanted the practice of any
|
||
form of magic punished severely, regardless of whether it was used
|
||
to commit injuries to others, because he held all such practice to be
|
||
trafficking with the Devil, whom he believed to be the source of the
|
||
efficacy for all magic.
|
||
Under the law of Elizabeth, anyone who bewitched another
|
||
without causing his death was subject to a penalty of one year in
|
||
prison; the law of James made the same crime punishable by hang
|
||
ing. Minor infractions, such as using divination to locate stolen prop
|
||
erty, making love potions, or damaging property such as laming a
|
||
cow or causing hail to flatten a crop in the field were still punishable
|
||
by a year in prison and a term in the pillory, as they had been under
|
||
the old law. James caused it to become a felony to invoke any evil
|
||
spirit, or to have any dealings with an evil spirit. This meant that to
|
||
keep a familiar spirit in the form of a cat, dog, rabbit, or other pet
|
||
was punishable by death. The Devil was thought to mark those with
|
||
whom he made a pact. To be found to have a witch mark anywhere
|
||
on the body was also enough evidence of consultation with an evil
|
||
spirit to be punishable by death, hence the vigorous questioning by
|
||
the courts about familiars, and the intensity of the search for the
|
||
witch mark.
|
||
The statute of James made it a crime punishable by hanging to:
|
||
|
||
|
||
1) invoke, consult, covenant with, entertain, employ, feed, or re
|
||
ward any evil spirit for any purpose
|
||
|
||
|
||
2) take any dead body, or any part of a dead body, for use in any
|
||
witchcraft, sorcery, charm, or enchantment
|
||
|
||
|
||
3) practice any form of witchcraft, enchantment, charm, or sor
|
||
cery in which any person is killed, destroyed, wasted, con
|
||
sumed, pined, or lamed in the body, or any part of the body
|
||
|
||
|
||
4) aid, abet, or counsel others in any of the above acts
|
||
|
||
|
||
The statute also made it a crime punishable by one year in prison
|
||
to use witchcraft, enchantment, charms, or sorcery to:
|
||
|
||
|
||
8 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
1 ) locate any treasure of gold or silver in the earth or other hiding places
|
||
|
||
|
||
2) locate any lost or stolen goods or things
|
||
|
||
|
||
3) intend to provoke any person to unlawful love
|
||
|
||
|
||
4) destroy, waste, or impair any chattel or goods of another
|
||
person
|
||
|
||
|
||
5) attempt without success to hurt or destroy any person in the
|
||
body
|
||
|
||
|
||
All of the offences punishable by a year in prison on the first of
|
||
fence were felonies on the second commission, and punishable by
|
||
hanging.
|
||
|
||
On the matter of capital punishment for witchcraft, in England
|
||
it was hanging, the same as for other more common felonies such
|
||
as murder. In Scotland, witchcraft was punished by burning, but the
|
||
custom was to strangle the condemned witch at the stake before
|
||
lighting the fire, and in this way to lessen the suffering of the witch.
|
||
This was done as an act of mercy when the witch confessed to her
|
||
supposed crimes, and did not recant the confession once the torture
|
||
used to extract the confession had been halted. If the witch retracted
|
||
the confession, the mercy of strangulation might be withdrawn and
|
||
she might be burned alive, though this barbarity was uncommon.
|
||
In practice, the English courts carried on much as they had before
|
||
the passage of the witch statute of James in meting out the death
|
||
penalty. It was usually only given to those who had been convicted
|
||
of causing the death of another person with witchcraft or necro
|
||
mancy. For example, even though it was a capital offence under the
|
||
new law to dig up a corpse for use in magic, no one was ever put to
|
||
death for this crime. There were exceptions. In 1 645 seven women
|
||
were hanged at Chelmsford for entertaining evil spirits, which is to
|
||
say, for keeping familiars. What the law did accomplish was the more
|
||
frequent and vigorous prosecution of accusations of witchcraft in
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 9
|
||
|
||
|
||
England, and later in America. The Salem witch trials were carried
|
||
out under the statute of James, which was not abolished until 1 736.
|
||
During the early part of his reign as English monarch, James was
|
||
as rabid in his prosecution of witchcraft as he had been while living
|
||
in Scotland, but as the years passed, his fervor began to wane. He
|
||
was able to prove to his satisfaction that several of those who had
|
||
accused others of witchcraft had been lying.
|
||
In 1 605 James paid three hundred pounds to the Reverend Sam
|
||
uel Harsnett to question a fourteen-year-old girl, Anne Gunter, who
|
||
had accused three woman in Abingdon of witchcraft. The girl ad
|
||
mitted under the sharp questioning of Harsnett that she had only
|
||
been pretending to fall into fits, and had falsely accused the women.
|
||
While traveling north in 1 6 1 8, James stopped at Leicester when
|
||
six women were due to be hanged as witches on the evidence of a
|
||
twelve-year-old boy, John Smith, who claimed that his convulsions
|
||
were caused by their bewitchment of him. Nine other women had
|
||
already been executed on the lad's testimony. James examined the
|
||
boy and determined to his satisfaction that his fits were nothing but
|
||
fraud. The women were freed, and Chief Justice Sir Edward Coke,
|
||
who had presided over their trial, was disgraced.
|
||
In 1 621 James questioned yet another youthful accuser, a girl
|
||
of the town of Westham in Essex (now a part of greater London)
|
||
named Katherine Malpas, who pretended to be subject to fits of de
|
||
monic possession, and accused two women of bewitching her. Since
|
||
James had personally witnessed cases of possession, he was difficult
|
||
to fool. A woman was made to confess that she had taught the girl to
|
||
simulate the fits so that she could charge money of those who came
|
||
to watch her convulsions.
|
||
This and similar evidence of deception both enraged James and
|
||
shook his confidence in his beliefs. It is asserted by some historians
|
||
that James went so far in his later years as to completely repudiate
|
||
the reality of witchcraft. Robbins quoted Thomas Fuller as assert
|
||
ing in his Church History of Britain that James "grew first diffident
|
||
|
||
|
||
IO INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
of, and then flatly to deny, the workings of witches and devils as but
|
||
falsehoods and delusions" (Robbins, Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and
|
||
Demonology, page 279). This seems unlikely in view of the strength
|
||
of these convictions, particularly since the intensity of his religious
|
||
faith never wavered. Whether his own attitude changed or not, dur
|
||
ing his last nine years as king it is recorded that only five convicted
|
||
witches were executed.
|
||
Viewed as a whole, the prosecution of witches under his rule,
|
||
though more vigorous than it had been during the reign of Eliza
|
||
beth, was not so severe as might appear from the tenor of his book
|
||
and his statute. Montague Summers observed that there are only
|
||
fifty cases of witches having been executed in England during the
|
||
|
||
entire reign of King James. Summers wrote: "It would appear that
|
||
the popular ideas concerning the holocausts in the reign of James
|
||
the I are anything but historically exact, and instead of shuddering at
|
||
the large numbers who perished, we may well be surprised that the
|
||
executions in England were so few" (Geography of Witchcraft, page
|
||
|
||
132).
|
||
Only fifty executions in England, yet many more women were
|
||
tried, and even those who did not suffer imprisonment as a result
|
||
of a guilty verdict had to face the humiliation of having their bod
|
||
ies shaved of all hair and a search made of their private parts for the
|
||
witch mark, the censure and condemnation of their family, friends,
|
||
and neighbors, and worst of all the protracted ordeal of torture used
|
||
on them in an effort to extract a confession. It is probable that the
|
||
number of executions would have been much higher had James
|
||
been able to freely work his will during the early part of his reign,
|
||
but his personal crusade against witchcraft was in part inhibited by
|
||
the conservative nature of English common law, which is slow to
|
||
change its way of doing things, and perhaps also by the common
|
||
sense of many of the judges.
|
||
One more incident must be related of James before we leave his
|
||
life and proceed to a closer examination of the North Berwick affair.
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION II
|
||
|
||
|
||
Margaret Murray related in God of the Witches that as James lay on
|
||
his deathbed, an attempt was made in his bedchamber by his atten
|
||
dants to lessen his pain by transferring it into the body of an animal.
|
||
A young pig was for this purpose dressed in the clothing of a human
|
||
baby. One of the ladies of the court played the part of its mother,
|
||
and the Duchess of Buckingham assumed the role of midwife. A
|
||
gentleman who was dressed in the robes of a bishop read the ser
|
||
vice of baptism, while the Duke of Buckingham and other nobles
|
||
played the part of the pig's godfathers. The pig was baptized, and
|
||
then chased out of the room.
|
||
It may be assumed that James was in a very bad state at that
|
||
point, perhaps not even conscious of his surroundings. Yet if he did
|
||
retain any of his mental faculties, what must he have thought of the
|
||
performance of what was clearly a blasphemous ritual of witchcraft
|
||
for his personal benefit? Was he inwardly horrified by what his con
|
||
cerned attendants were doing in their effort to lessen his suffering,
|
||
or was he hypocritical enough to justify it in some way in his own
|
||
mind, even though it was opposed to everything he had ever writ
|
||
ten or said concerning witchcraft? History has not recorded his last
|
||
thoughts, only the incredible irony of the performance of a magic
|
||
ritual over the deathbed of a man who all his life was steadfast in his
|
||
loathing and rejection of anything remotely connected with the art
|
||
of magic.
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE NORTH BERWICK WITCHE S
|
||
|
||
|
||
The incidents that formed the basis for the North Berwick witch
|
||
trials, which are partially detailed in the tract News From Scotland,
|
||
may have been instigated, insofar as they have any factual basis, by
|
||
the determination of James to wed Anne of Denmark. Among the
|
||
charges against the witches is that they tried to sink the ship carrying
|
||
James to Denmark to meet with his future bride, and also the ship
|
||
bringing Anne to England. Two of the items filed against john Fian,
|
||
one of the supposed leaders of the plot, read as follows:
|
||
|
||
|
||
12 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
(7) ITEM, for the raising of winds at the King's passing to
|
||
Denmark, and for the sending of a letter to Marian Linkup
|
||
in Leith, to that effect, bidding her to meet him and the rest
|
||
on the sea within five days; where Satan delivering a cat out
|
||
of his hand to Robert Grierson, and gave the word to "Cast
|
||
the same in the sea, hola!" And thereafter, being mounted in a
|
||
ship and drunk like unto others, where Satan said, "You shall
|
||
sink the ship;" like as they thought that did.
|
||
|
||
|
||
(8) ITEM, for assembling himself with Satan, at the King's re
|
||
turning from Denmark, where Satan promised to raise a mist,
|
||
and cast the King's Majesty in England: and for performing
|
||
|
||
thereof, he took a thing like to a soot -ball, which appeared to
|
||
the said John like a wisp, and cast the same in the sea; which
|
||
caused a vapor and a reek to rise.
|
||
|
||
|
||
A charge against Agnes Sampson accused her of sending a letter to
|
||
another witch ordering her to "warne the rest of the sisteris, to raise
|
||
the wind this day, att eleavin houris, to stay the Quenis cuming in Scot
|
||
land."
|
||
At the same time that women and men were being accused in
|
||
Scotland of trying to prevent the union of James and Anne, similar
|
||
accusations were being made in Denmark. The spy of Lord Burghley
|
||
in Copenhagen wrote to him in a letter dated July 23, 1 590, that the
|
||
admiral Peter Munk in Denmark "hathe caused five or six witches
|
||
to be taken in Coupnahaven, upon suspicion that by their witche
|
||
craft they had staied the Queen of Scottes voiage into Scotland, and
|
||
sought to have staied likewise the King's retorne." A woman named
|
||
Anna Koldings was interrogated, and under the fear of greater tor
|
||
tures was compelled to give the names of five other women, one of
|
||
them being the wife of the burgomaster of Copenhagen. Eventually
|
||
all were induced to confess to raising a storm to sink Anne's ship,
|
||
and of having sent demons to climb the keel of the vessel and pull it
|
||
under the waves.
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 13
|
||
|
||
|
||
It is a curious coincidence that the same storm that held back
|
||
Queen Anne from initially sailing to Scotland also sank a ferry trav
|
||
eling between Burntisland and Leith with Lady Mary Melville of
|
||
Garvock aboard. Burntisland is just west of Kinghorn on the oppo
|
||
site side of the Firth of Forth from Edinburgh. Lady Mary was the
|
||
wife of Sir Andrew Melville, the master of the household affairs of
|
||
King James, and was traveling to meet Anne upon her arrival in Scot
|
||
land. Concerning this tragedy of September, 1 589, Sir James Melville
|
||
wrote in his Memoirs, "She, being willing to mak diligence, wald not
|
||
stay for the storm, to sail the ferry; when the vehement storm drave
|
||
a ship upon the said boat, and drownit the gentlewoman and all the
|
||
persons except twa."
|
||
Why this sudden furor to prevent the king from bringing his new
|
||
bride back to Scotland? Margaret Murray, Montague Summers, and
|
||
others have speculated that the purported attempts by the accused
|
||
witches to kill James and Anne were motivated by the royal ambi
|
||
tions of Francis Stewart, the Earl of Bothwell. His title descended
|
||
through his mother Jane Hepburn, who was the sister of the for
|
||
mer Earl of Bothwell that had married Mary, Queen of Scots, but
|
||
his claim to the throne was from his father, Lord John Stewart, the
|
||
illegitimate son of James the Fifth of Scotland. For so long as James
|
||
remained without an heir, Bothwell could make a plausible claim
|
||
for the Scottish crown at his death, but once James married and had
|
||
|
||
children, that claim was void.
|
||
There is some evidence to support this theory of Bothwell's
|
||
involvement with the North Berwick witches. In her confession,
|
||
Agnes Sampson revealed that she had constructed a wax image of
|
||
|
||
James, saying: "This is Kingjames the sext, ordonit to be consumed
|
||
at the instance of a noble man Francis Erie Bodowell." Murray and
|
||
Summers both believed that Bothwell played the part of the Devil at
|
||
the sabbat meetings of the witches, and it is true that in later years
|
||
during his exile in Italy, Bothwell kept the reputation of being a pow
|
||
erful magician.
|
||
|
||
|
||
14 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
This fanciful theory depends on a rather startling presupposi
|
||
tion-that prior to the exposure of the plots of the witches, Both
|
||
well was the active head of a large coven of witches accustomed to
|
||
meet at the North Berwick Kirk and elsewhere in the dead of night,
|
||
where he dressed up in costume and played the part of Satan. If such
|
||
nocturnal meetings took place, they must have been executed with
|
||
a mastery of stealth and guile since this considerable undertaking
|
||
of manpower and resources passed unnoticed in the small, closely
|
||
knit communities near the church, where the members of the coven
|
||
lived.
|
||
James despised Bothwell for his pretensions to the succession. In
|
||
a speech to the Scottish parliament in 1 592 he denounced Bothwell
|
||
|
||
and said of him that he was 'but a bastard and could claim no title to
|
||
the crown" (Margaret Murray, Witch-cult in Western Europe, page 56).
|
||
Murray pointed out that this was not accurate-Bothwell's father
|
||
was a bastard, but Bothwell himself had been born of a legal mar
|
||
riage; and in any case, Bothwell's father had been granted a letter of
|
||
legitimacy by Mary, Queen of Scots.
|
||
Though he felt contempt for this upstart, James was deathly
|
||
afraid of him. When Bothwell came to Holyrood Castle in July of
|
||
1 593 seeking a pardon from the king for the crimes he stood ac
|
||
cused of, he was admitted directly and without warning into the
|
||
king's bedchamber by a lady of the court, where he caught James
|
||
in the middle of dressing. The terrified James tried to run and hide
|
||
in his wife's bedchamber, but the men who accompanied Bothwell
|
||
blocked his path of escape and locked the door to prevent him from
|
||
leaving before Bothwell had his say. James asked them their purpose:
|
||
"Came they to seek his life? Let them take it-they would not get his
|
||
soul" (Murray, Witch-cult in Western Europe, page 59). If James consid
|
||
ered Bothwell as the leader of the witches who conspired to bring
|
||
about his death and a powerful necromancer in league with Satan
|
||
against him, little wonder the sudden apparition of Bothwell in his
|
||
bedchamber gave James a nasty turn.
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION IS
|
||
|
||
|
||
The whole business of the North Berwick witches started inno
|
||
cently enough with the uncanny healing abilities of a maidservant
|
||
named Gilly Duncan. Although she had never been a healer before,
|
||
she began to go to those who were sick or infirm to try to help them.
|
||
Her neighbors took notice of this admirable charity when her efforts
|
||
suddenly began to succeed with astonishing frequency. Rather than
|
||
praise Duncan for her good works and count themselves fortunate
|
||
to know her, they began to murmur behind her back that she must
|
||
be accomplishing the miraculous cures with means that were other
|
||
than natural.
|
||
Duncan had the misfortune to work for David Seaton, the dep
|
||
uty-bailiff of the town. He decided to question his maid as to where
|
||
she had acquired the skill to work such amazing cures, and why she
|
||
was in the habit lately of stealing out of his house to sleep elsewhere
|
||
every other night. It is impossible not to speculate about the per
|
||
sonal motives that prompted Seaton to question Duncan. Did he
|
||
have some affection for her that was not returned, and did he take
|
||
this excuse to ferret out information about his imagined rival? Or
|
||
was Seaton upset with her because he thought her night wanderings
|
||
were bringing scandal upon his household?
|
||
Whatever his original suspicions, her stubborn silence enraged
|
||
him. He had her held down and applied a set of thumbscrews to her
|
||
fingers in an effort to compel her to speak. When she still did not
|
||
answer to his satisfaction, he bound her head and wrung it with a
|
||
|
||
rope, a popular form of torture in the sixteenth century. Duncan still
|
||
refused to say what Seaton wanted her to say, so he decided to probe
|
||
her for a witch mark, which was considered to be a sure sign of a
|
||
witch. A witch mark is a small mole or other skin blemish insensi
|
||
tive to pain that is supposedly impressed on to the body of a witch
|
||
at the time of her initiation into the craft by Satan himself. The way
|
||
of locating it was to take a long, thick needle and thrust it deeply
|
||
and successively into all moles, scars, or other marks on the skin,
|
||
presumably with the unfortunate individual blindfolded, until one
|
||
|
||
|
||
16 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
was located that did not produce a shriek of pain. He found what he
|
||
was looking for in the front of her throat, and this apparent evidence
|
||
broke her will and induced her to confess that she was a witch, and
|
||
that all her cures had been the work of Satan.
|
||
Duncan was cast into prison, where she shortly began to name
|
||
the names of her supposed accomplices in witchcraft. They were
|
||
not all of low station in life. Agnes Sampson, the key figure among
|
||
the women accused who was known locally as the Wise Wife of
|
||
Nether-Keith, was a mature, educated woman said to be grave in
|
||
her manner and settled in her answers to her inquisitors. Effie Mc
|
||
Calyan was the daughter of Lord Cliftonhall, and a woman of some
|
||
social stature. John Fian was a schoolmaster. Barbara Napier was de
|
||
scribed as a woman of good family. These four appear to have been
|
||
the leaders in the affair, or at least were nominated as its leaders by
|
||
James and the magistrates, and were not in a position to decline the
|
||
elevation.
|
||
As more individuals were implicated and questioned, two threads
|
||
emerged. One was the standard fantastic tale of malicious acts of
|
||
magic worked at the behest of the Devil against ordinary townsfolk
|
||
in the region around Edinburgh. The other was the plot to assas
|
||
sinate James and his wife. It is impossible to know how much truth
|
||
is contained in either thread of the confessions. Although the inter
|
||
rogations of the accused have provided boundless matter for specu
|
||
lation, it will probably never be definitively proven either that there
|
||
was any witchcraft going on or that there was ever a witch plot to
|
||
kill James. Since the confessions were extracted under torture, or
|
||
threat of torture, not a word of them can be trusted.
|
||
It may be useful to gain some notion of how local was the affair
|
||
of the North Berwick witches. Most of the communities involved
|
||
were on the same side of the Firth of Forth as Edinburgh and were
|
||
within walking distance of each other. The town of Tranent where
|
||
the unfortunate Gilly Duncan was tortured by her master was about
|
||
eight or nine miles from Edinburgh. Leith was only a mile or two
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION I7
|
||
|
||
|
||
away. Saltpans, where John Fian taught school, also sometimes
|
||
called Saltpreston, was where Prestonpans is today, and some five or
|
||
six miles from the city. The notorious North Berwick Kirk occupied
|
||
a headland around twenty miles from Edinburgh. All these places
|
||
are on the southern shore of the Firth of Forth. Kinghorn and Burn
|
||
tisland, from where the ferryboat sailed that was supposed to have
|
||
been sunk by the witches, with a loss of sixty lives, are both located
|
||
opposite Leith across the Firth. The whole affair might be said to
|
||
have occurred in the backyard of the king, which may be one reason
|
||
he took so active an interest.
|
||
The heart of the testimony concerned a sabbat meeting that
|
||
took place in 1590 on Halloween at around midnight at the North
|
||
Berwick Kirk. Here the witches, drunk and merry after riding down
|
||
the Firth on their sieves and dancing on the green outside the church
|
||
to the sound of a Jew's harp played by Gilly Duncan, entered the
|
||
church to convene with the Devil, who stood in the pulpit dressed
|
||
in a black hat and black gown, surrounded by burning black candles.
|
||
In Melville's Memoirs he is described as terrible in appearance, with
|
||
a nose like the beak of an eagle, great burning eyes, hairy hands and
|
||
legs, with claws upon his hands and feet like those of a griffon.
|
||
In a low voice the Devil called the roll, naming each witch by his
|
||
or her witch name, with the exception of one named Robert Grier
|
||
son, who was quite annoyed when the Devil addressed him by his
|
||
real name, since it had been agreed that they use only nicknames, his
|
||
being "Rob the Rower." The Devil asked the witches what evil they
|
||
had worked in his name, and after hearing their deeds, they discussed
|
||
their efforts to bewitch a wax image of Kingjames to bring about his
|
||
death. The Devil instructed them to dig up four corpses, two outside
|
||
the church in the graveyard and two that had been buried inside the
|
||
building in vaults. From the corpses they removed the joints of the
|
||
fingers, toes, and knees, and divided the parts up between them. The
|
||
Devil told them to let the joints dry, then powder them and use the
|
||
powder in works of evil magic. At one point during the evening they
|
||
|
||
|
||
I8 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
all kissed the Devil's bared buttocks as a homage to him. His skin was
|
||
described as being cold and as hard as iron.
|
||
The account of this Halloween meeting, contained in the some
|
||
what disordered confessions of the accused, has provided the pro
|
||
totype for countless subsequent descriptions of the witches' sabbat.
|
||
Many of its elements are mentioned in earlier confessions of those
|
||
accused of witchcraft in different European nations, but the North
|
||
Berwick Kirk sabbat is perhaps the most complete and well-rounded
|
||
of the descriptions.
|
||
The judicial proceedings began in 1 590 and extended for three
|
||
years to the trial of the Earl of Bothwell in August 1 593. There is
|
||
some evidence that they dragged on even longer than this. In all
|
||
some seventy persons were implicated. Margaret Murray wrote that
|
||
thirty-nine persons were involved in the affair, a number she per
|
||
ceived as significant because it is three times thirteen, and thirteen
|
||
is sometimes supposed to be the number of members in a witch
|
||
coven. Murray also wrote that only four were ever tried (Witch-cult
|
||
in Western Europe, page 50). Neither of these numbers is accurate.
|
||
There were various gradations of involvement. Not all those ac
|
||
cused were arrested, and not all those arrested were convicted. The
|
||
exact numbers of persons arrested in the affair remain unknown,
|
||
but the initial round of arrests took place in the months of Novem
|
||
ber and December in 1 590, and the trials began in 1 59 1 .
|
||
The execution of justice was capricious. A few of the accused
|
||
fled to England, and the king instructed the same David Seaton
|
||
who had started the whole affair to follow after them and recapture
|
||
them. At least one woman was identified and imprisoned in Eng
|
||
land, causing james to go to great lengths to have her extradited to
|
||
Scotland, where she was tortured and gave the names of more sup
|
||
posed accomplices. John Pian also escaped for a brief time, and tried
|
||
to hide himself near his home in Saltpans, but was recaptured and
|
||
was executed on Castle Hill in Edinburgh in january 1 59 1, after the
|
||
most terrible tortures that James could conceive to use upon him.
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 19
|
||
|
||
|
||
Fian was killed in the usual way, by strangulation at the stake, im
|
||
mediately before his body was burned. John Grierson, who had his
|
||
name spoken aloud at the Halloween sabbat, died in prison. Agnes
|
||
Sampson, who undoubtedly was a witch in the more conventional
|
||
sense of one who predicts the future and makes magic charms, was
|
||
strangled and then burned to ashes on Castle Hill.
|
||
Barbara Napier may or may not have been a witch, but she cer
|
||
tainly led a charmed life. When her stake was prepared for her ex
|
||
ecution on May 11, 1591, and the townspeople had assembled to
|
||
watch her be strangled and burned, her friends made the claim that
|
||
she was pregnant, and her execution was delayed until this could be
|
||
demonstrated to be either true or false. Her jury had refused to find
|
||
her guilty of treason against the king, on grounds of insufficient evi
|
||
dence, which enraged James and led him to declare her verdict an
|
||
"assize of error." He called for a new trial against her, and started
|
||
legal proceedings against the jury members themselves. His strident
|
||
address to the jury has been preserved, and is known as his Tolbooth
|
||
speech, because it occurred at the Tolbooth building in Edinburgh
|
||
where the law courts were located (see Appendix C). There is no re
|
||
cord of Barbara Napier ever having been executed, so it may be that
|
||
after the elapse of time the wrath of the king cooled, or her friends
|
||
were able to provide reasons for him to mitigate his persecution of
|
||
this woman.
|
||
When Effie McCalyan discovered that her six lawyers were no
|
||
|
||
help in her defense, she also tried the pregnancy ploy, but with less
|
||
success than Barbara Napier. McCalyan was due to be burned alive
|
||
on june 19, 159 1, but when she declared that she was with child,
|
||
her execution was delayed. She could not have been very convinc
|
||
ing, since she was executed on June 25, only a week after making her
|
||
plea. There may have been a last-minute mitigation in the severity of
|
||
her punishment, since contemporary records show that McCalyan
|
||
was not burned alive, but was strangled first in the usual manner
|
||
for executing witches. Just before being strangled, McCalyan made a
|
||
|
||
|
||
20 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
statement to the spectators declaring that she was innocent of all the
|
||
crimes charged against her.
|
||
There can be little doubt, in view of the persecution of Bothwell
|
||
by James, that the king firmly believed Bothwell to be the leader in
|
||
the North Berwick affair. On April 1 7, 1 591, Bothwell confronted the
|
||
king and his council and demanded to know what james intended
|
||
to charge him with. Robert Bowes wrote of the meeting to Lord
|
||
Burghley, "The King answered, with practice to have taken his life.
|
||
Bothwell asked if he would lay any other matter than that only. The
|
||
King said it sufficed, and willed him to clear himself thereof." In
|
||
May of 1 59 1 the king began to actively work to have Bothwell tried
|
||
for witchcraft and high treason. On May 9, Bothwell was held in Ed
|
||
inburgh Castle for "conspyringe the King's death by sorcerye." On
|
||
June 25 a proclamation was issued against Bothwell accusing him of
|
||
"consultatioun with nygromancris, witcheis, and utheris wickit and
|
||
ungodlie prsonis, bayth without and within this cuntre for bereving
|
||
of his Hienes lyff."
|
||
The king was unable to muster enough support to have Both
|
||
well, who was a powerful man, put on trial, so he sent Bothwell out
|
||
of Scotland. In June he wrote to john Maitland: "Sen theire can na
|
||
present tryall be hadd of the Erl Bothuell, I thinke best he praepaire
|
||
him self to depairt uithin threttie or fourtie dayes, his absence to
|
||
be na neirairhande nor Germanie or Italie." His fear of Bothwell's
|
||
power of magic probably played a part in this decision, although it
|
||
may also have had political motives.
|
||
In the spring of 1 592 Bothwell sent a letter to the ministry de
|
||
fending himself against the rumors and charges gathering over his
|
||
head like a thundercloud, but the king was not to be denied. The
|
||
next year, in August, Bothwell was finally tried. Most of the evi
|
||
dence against him came from the accusations of a minor courtier
|
||
and would-be necromancer named Richard Graham. When the de
|
||
fense was able to demonstrate that Graham had never accused Both
|
||
well of anything until after threatened with torture and execution
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 21
|
||
|
||
|
||
for witchcraft, and that he was promised his release and continuing
|
||
protection if he spoke against his master, Graham's testimony was
|
||
discredited. This, coupled with the testimony of many accused of
|
||
witchcraft in the North Berwick affair that they knew nothing of
|
||
Bothwell other than his reputation as a man of noble character, pro
|
||
cured Bothwell's acquittal.
|
||
The North Berwick affair exerted a profound influence in shap
|
||
ing laws against witchcraft, and the attitudes of the general popu
|
||
lation of Scotland, England, and New England toward witches and
|
||
magic, for more than a century. Its influence was not finally lifted
|
||
until the repeal of the witch statute of james in 1 736. It is impos
|
||
sible to understand the character of james the First without know
|
||
ing how deeply shaken he was by the supposed magical plots on his
|
||
life at the time of his marriage. His reaction to the alleged statement
|
||
by the Devil in the North Berwick church that james was his great
|
||
est foe was to cast himself into the role of the white knight of God
|
||
who dispensed the wrath of heaven against the wicked, using as his
|
||
weapon the power of the word.
|
||
|
||
|
||
SEPARATING TRUTH FROM FICTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
Although it is not possible to know with any exactitude how much
|
||
of the testimony extracted under torture, or threat of torture, from
|
||
those accused in the North Berwick affair was true and how much a
|
||
mere fabrication to forestall further suffering, there is enough infor
|
||
mation available to construct a plausible scenario explaining the
|
||
principal motives and main events surrounding the trials.
|
||
In 1 589 James married Anne of Denmark by proxy. Hence when
|
||
she sailed to Scotland she was already queen, though the marriage
|
||
had not been consummated. On the way the Danish fleet encoun
|
||
tered a terrible storm that sprang a plank on Anne's own ship, so
|
||
that it began to take on water. The Danish admiral guiding Anne to
|
||
her new home, Peter Munk, put in at Oslo, Norway, for repairs. This
|
||
was the same storm that sank the ferryboat carrying Lady Mary
|
||
|
||
|
||
22 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
Melvi e across the Firth of Forth from Burntisland to Leith to meet
|
||
with the Queen and present her with jewels and other gifts.
|
||
James must have regarded this storm with suspicion even as he
|
||
made the impetuous decision to sail to Oslo and remain with his
|
||
new bride over the winter. His voyage was uneventful, and his wed
|
||
ding night successful, but Peter Munk, a superstitious man who had
|
||
already in his own mind attributed the storm to the malicious magic
|
||
of witches in Denmark, must have filled the imagination of James
|
||
with frightening conjectures. He and Anne would have ample op
|
||
portunity to discuss the prevalence of witchcraft in her homeland
|
||
on the long and snowy nights that James spent in Denmark with his
|
||
wife. James himself may have been instrumental in initiating the
|
||
great witchhunt that took place in Copenhagen in the summer of
|
||
1590, although by that time he was back in Edinburgh with Anne.
|
||
Their return voyage was hindered by the same sort of unnatu
|
||
ral weather that had prevented Anne's initial coming into Scotland.
|
||
Even though the ships that accompanied James and Anne sailed as
|
||
a fleet, his ship was the only one that encountered contrary winds.
|
||
They also ran into dense fog, but with the help of the English navy,
|
||
they were safely guided into port without tragedy. Whatever suspi
|
||
cions had been aroused in the mind of the King by the first storm,
|
||
and by the superstitious opinions of Admiral Munk, were confirmed
|
||
by this foul wind and treacherous mist. Magic was afoot, and was
|
||
being worked against him specifically to prevent his union with
|
||
Anne.
|
||
Who would have a reason to want him to remain without a wife?
|
||
Someone who desired that he should not engender a child and suc
|
||
cessor. It would not have taken james long to narrow the list of can
|
||
didates. Among the nobility of Scotland, no one held him in lower
|
||
regard than the heroic warrior of the Border Marches, Francis, Earl
|
||
of Bothwell. James viewed Bothwell with contempt because of his
|
||
dubious birth and lack of refinement and learning. He probably also
|
||
envied Bothwell for his courage. Bothwell, for his part, regarded
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 23
|
||
|
||
|
||
james as a sniveling cleric with pretensions of scholarship and an ar
|
||
|
||
rogant air of superiority that was unfounded on any virtue in his
|
||
nature. The two men truly despised each other. It is quite possible
|
||
that Bothwell had a reputation as a necromancer, whether merited
|
||
or not, and this would only have served to confirm the suspicions of
|
||
james.
|
||
These suspicions might never have born fruit had not the deputy
|
||
bailiff of Tranent, David Seaton, decided to torture his maid about
|
||
her nocturnal disappearances and her suddenly acquired skill as a
|
||
healer. It is significant that among those first named by Gilly Dun
|
||
can in her confession was Agnes Sampson, the renowned midwife
|
||
and healer known as the Wise Wife of Nether-Keith. Sampson was
|
||
indeed a witch. This is persuasively indicated by the content of the
|
||
numerous accusations made against her. However, she was not a
|
||
witch by the definition of james, who believed that all witches had
|
||
made a pact with Satan to work evil, and who met with the Devil
|
||
periodically for carnal unions. She was, as her rustic title indicates,
|
||
a wise woman, one who employed spoken prayers and natural ma
|
||
terials for use in midwifery, healing, divination, and such relatively
|
||
innocuous activities as the manufacture and sale of love charms.
|
||
It is not unreasonable to speculate that Gilly Duncan's sudden
|
||
skill in healing had been acquired through her friendship with Agnes
|
||
Sampson. Perhaps on some of the nights Duncan spent away from
|
||
the residence of her master, she was studying the art of witchcraft
|
||
from the elder Sampson. She must have been a gifted pupil, to judge
|
||
by her success in healing her neighbors, but it was inevitable that the
|
||
appearance of this gift, where none had been noticed to exist before,
|
||
should give rise to rumors and gossip about her doings at night.
|
||
If Gilly Duncan was an apprentice to magic, Agnes Sampson was
|
||
its mistress. She was the first of the accused in the North Berwick
|
||
affair to be extensively questioned, and the list of accusations against
|
||
her is longer and more varied than against any other. The accusa
|
||
tions also differ in quality. The majority of the crimes Sampson was
|
||
|
||
|
||
24 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
charged with involved healing the sick or divining information of a
|
||
harmless or personal nature on behalf of her clients. These charges
|
||
have an air of plausibility that is lacking in the wild charges that con
|
||
cern conventions with the Devil and sailing over the sea in sieves.
|
||
Sampson was a professional witch. She made her living not only as
|
||
a midwife but as a healer and prognosticator. The testimony sur
|
||
rounding her activities shows that she was a shrewd judge of human
|
||
nature, able to play upon the superstitions and fears of her clients to
|
||
force them to pay their bills and to increase the fame of her powers
|
||
of witchcraft.
|
||
James became interested in the Sampson interrogation late in
|
||
1 590. We can only speculate about what may have attracted his at
|
||
|
||
tention to the case. Probably Sampson was asked if she had been
|
||
responsible for the storms that hindered the union between the King
|
||
and Queen, which must still have been a topic of conversation only
|
||
a few months after the second storm. By this point, Sampson's will
|
||
had been broken. The humiliation of having her entire body shaved
|
||
and probed with a sharp instrument more like a dagger than a pin,
|
||
the probing having been concentrated in her genitals and other se
|
||
cret places of the body, must have overwhelmed her natural dignity.
|
||
Coupled with the ordeal of the witches' bridle she was made to wear
|
||
to prevent her uttering charms, and the deprival of her sleep, these
|
||
indignities rendered her willing to say anything at all in the hope of
|
||
shortening her ordeal.
|
||
Sampson was a clever woman and vain about her abilities. When
|
||
at one point James jumped up in fury and declared that she was a
|
||
liar, Sampson took him aside and convinced him of her power by
|
||
telling him secret matters he had whispered to his wife on their wed
|
||
ding night in Oslo. James was astounded, and from then onward
|
||
had no doubt as to the guilt of the accused. What Sampson did was
|
||
nothing that would have been beyond the ability of any competent
|
||
fortuneteller adept in the art of reading facial expressions, and who
|
||
knew how to present information acquired long ago through ordi
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 25
|
||
|
||
|
||
nary channels as occult revelations. It is even possible that she did
|
||
indeed possess some degree of psychic ability. Why she did it is obvi
|
||
ous-as long as the King thought she was lying, he would continue
|
||
to have her tortured. Once he believed that she was telling the truth,
|
||
the torture would stop.
|
||
Much of the underlying structure of the events attributed to the
|
||
accused in the North Berwick affair was supplied by Agnes Sampson,
|
||
who as a true witch was able to provide details about magic prac
|
||
tices, such as the use of joints, or knucklebones, from corpses, and
|
||
the casting into the sea of a cat to cause a storm. She probably had
|
||
not employed either of these methods herself, but she would have
|
||
had knowledge of them. James, having read deeply in the works of
|
||
the Continental demonologists such as Weyer and the occult writ
|
||
ers such as Agrippa, was perfectly capable of supplying any material
|
||
that was lacking that concerned the association and allegiance of the
|
||
accused to the Devil.
|
||
The confession of Agnes Sampson was the evidence James had
|
||
been looking for that the storm that had almost taken the life of his
|
||
wife, and the contrary wind that had delayed his voyage home, were
|
||
the work of the Devil. As God's anointed upon the Earth, and as
|
||
the living embodiment of the brave knight of Revelation, mounted
|
||
upon the white horse, robed in white linen stained with the blood
|
||
of the wicked, wearing many crowns, who used as his weapon the
|
||
power of the word, James saw it as not only his duty, but his destiny,
|
||
to confront Satan and triumph over him. That is why he involved
|
||
himself personally in the interrogations and tortures of the accused.
|
||
When he suggested to Sampson that her magic was directed against
|
||
him, she was eager to agree as a way of stopping her torture.
|
||
As Agnes Sampson continued to name names, and more sus
|
||
pected witches were questioned, at some point the focus moved
|
||
beyond the small rural region around Saltpans and Tranent and en
|
||
larged to embrace Edinburgh. In the beginning only those of lower
|
||
social standing were implicated. However, Sampson in her capacity
|
||
|
||
|
||
26 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
of midwife and healer had moved in higher circles, and had become
|
||
acquainted with those of wealth and title. That she ever knew Both
|
||
well is doubtful, but she testified that Bothwell had asked her to di
|
||
vine how long james should reign, and what would happen after his
|
||
death; and that he had induced her to send her familiar spirit to kill
|
||
the king, but that it had failed.
|
||
One of those arrested of higher social standing was Barbara Na
|
||
pier, a personal friend of the Earl of Bothwell. She wrote to him in
|
||
April 1 59 1, telling him to stand fast, that his enemies were conspir
|
||
ing against him, so it is clear that Napier was asked leading ques
|
||
tions about his involvement in the affair, though she refused to im
|
||
plicate Bothwell. The letter came open during transit, and was read
|
||
by many, and its contents found their way back to the King, who
|
||
was left in no doubt concerning a connection between the accused
|
||
witches and Bothwell.
|
||
Near the end of 1 590 a courtier of limited importance named
|
||
Richard Graham was taken into custody. Graham practiced some
|
||
form of magic, though it would be the height of charity to call him
|
||
a necromancer. Bothwell had felt sorry for the man, because Gra
|
||
ham had been excommunicated, and had given him shelter. Both
|
||
well only saw him a few times. He testified at his trial in 1 593 that
|
||
once, in an attempt to impress him, Graham had shown him "a
|
||
sticke with nickes in yt all wrapped about with lange haire eyther of
|
||
a man or a woman, and said yt was an enchanted stick." This may
|
||
have been a rune staff, and the nicks carved into its sides may have
|
||
been runes, though it is impossible to know either the details of the
|
||
stick's appearance or its intended function. Another time Graham
|
||
tried to sell Bothwell a ring with a familiar spirit inside it. Bothwell
|
||
paid scant attention to Graham, his stick, or his ring. Graham simply
|
||
was not important enough to occupy the attention of the Earl.
|
||
When he was taken in the North Berwick affair, having been im
|
||
plicated by the confession of those already arrested, Graham was
|
||
confronted with a simple choice. He could accuse Bothwell of being
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 27
|
||
|
||
|
||
the leader of the witches, and the instigator of their magical attacks
|
||
against the King, whereupon he would be released and given physi
|
||
cal protection for the rest of his life-which he would need, since
|
||
Bothwell had a great many friends-or Graham could remain silent
|
||
and suffer unimaginably agonizing tortures until his execution on
|
||
Castle Hill. At Bothwell's trial several defense witnesses testified that
|
||
Graham had told them "tht he must eyther accuse the Erle Both
|
||
well falselye, or els endure such tormentes as no man were able to
|
||
abyde." Graham's own brother testified that Graham had "protested
|
||
to him that he was forced to accuse the Erle Bothwell for feare of
|
||
maymynge with the bootes and other tortures."
|
||
It is easy to see why Bothwell was acquitted. Yet these testimo
|
||
nies had no effect on James, who continued to believe that Bothwell
|
||
was his enemy, had tried to murder him numerous times by magic,
|
||
and was a great necromancer. James was convinced that the more
|
||
vigorously he persecuted those he viewed as the servants of the
|
||
Devil, the less power the Devil would have to harm him or anything
|
||
that was his. This included not only his wife and household but the
|
||
entire nation of Scotland. By using the utmost severity against the
|
||
accused witches, James was defending his realm against the power
|
||
of Satan.
|
||
John Fian, who figures so prominently in the tract News From
|
||
Scotland, seems to have had very little to do with anything. There
|
||
is no plausible evidence that he knew magic, or had ever practiced
|
||
magic. He was simply an easy target, a well-known young man who
|
||
through his work as a teacher came into contact with a large num
|
||
ber of local people, and through his strong sexual appetites had car
|
||
nal knowledge of a great many women, some of whom were mar
|
||
ried. In the sixteenth century anyone who could read and write, and
|
||
who had much to do with books written in Latin or Greek, was apt
|
||
to be suspected by the uneducated people around him of possessing
|
||
forbidden knowledge.
|
||
|
||
|
||
28 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
The only two accused in the affair who can be demonstrated to
|
||
have had both knowledge and practice of magic are Agnes Samp
|
||
son and Richard Graham. Sampson's magic, though extensive, was
|
||
confined mostly to good works. The testimony that she used her
|
||
arts to cause harm and death, having been extracted by torture, is
|
||
worthless. Graham was a dabbler trying to impress his betters with
|
||
his arcane knowledge. Gilly Duncan and Bothwell may or may not
|
||
have had some slight acquaintance with magic. In my opinion, no
|
||
significant evidence exists to show that there ever was a plot to kill
|
||
King james, or that there was any form of organized witchcraft in
|
||
the North Berwick area. The only devil in the affair wore the crown
|
||
of Scotland.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DESCRIPTION OF THE CONTENTS
|
||
|
||
OF DEMONOLOGY
|
||
|
||
|
||
Demonology is in the form of a dialogue between two men,
|
||
Philomathes and Epistemon. They meet and begin to talk about
|
||
the "strange news" that is the only subject of conversation lately,
|
||
the doings of witches. Philomathes is a bit skeptical about the real
|
||
ity of witches and witchcraft, but Epistemon, who is obviously the
|
||
alter ego of King James himself, uses his powers of logical argu
|
||
ment and his depth of learning to convince his friend that witchcraft
|
||
does exist, and that every form it takes is a serious crime because all
|
||
witchcraft involves dealings with the Devil. Many of his examples
|
||
are drawn from the Bible.
|
||
In Book One of the work, after arguing that there is indeed such
|
||
a thing as witchcraft, and that its practice is sin, Philomathes divides
|
||
the arts of magic into two branches, one that he calls magic or nec
|
||
romancy, and the other sorcery or witchcraft. Magicians or necro
|
||
mancers are those who are allured to this sin by a curiosity after
|
||
obscure and deep learning; sorcerers or witches are motivated by
|
||
either a thirst for revenge against others or a desire for gain. Episte
|
||
mon ultimately rejects what he calls the vulgar distinction between
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 29
|
||
|
||
|
||
these two types of occult practices, although there is much to be
|
||
said for the brevity and clarity of the popular definitions: "Surely, the
|
||
difference the vulgar put between them is very merry, and in a man
|
||
ner true; for they say, that the witches are servants only, and slaves to
|
||
the Devil; but the necromancers are his masters and commanders."
|
||
Epistemon divides the occult arts into what he terms the Devil's
|
||
school and the Devil's rudiments. The first is the study of the ma
|
||
gicians and necromancers, who are often men of great learning. It
|
||
involves complex circles, conjurations, numerous types of spiritual
|
||
beings, and divine words of power. The second, the rudiments, is
|
||
the study of the unlearned sorcerers and witches, and involves the
|
||
manipulation of common words, herbs, and stones for the making
|
||
of what Epistemon terms "unlawful charms" that operate without
|
||
natural causes.
|
||
Philomathes, the skeptic, objects that many of the practices that
|
||
fall under these definitions have always been regarded as lawful and
|
||
harmless, such as the practice of astrology. Epistemon divides astrol
|
||
ogy proper into two branches, the observation of the natural effects
|
||
of the heavenly bodies on the seasons and the weather, which he re
|
||
gards as not strictly unlawful when used in moderation, and the use
|
||
of such observations to foretell the future, which is always unlaw
|
||
ful in his opinion, even though such practices are widely condoned.
|
||
From this unlawful type of astrology spring many other pernicious
|
||
forms of divination, such as palm reading and numerology, all of
|
||
which he condemns on the grounds that foretelling the future by the
|
||
planets and stars is forbidden in the Bible.
|
||
The study of necromancy is said not in itself to be an offense,
|
||
although it is perilous, but the use of magic circles and conjurations
|
||
is always unlawful, in the opinion of Epistemon, since no one can
|
||
be a student in a school without being subject to the master of that
|
||
school, and the master of the school of magic is the Devil. Although
|
||
the magician may start out using magic circles and words of power
|
||
to bind the Devil and his servants, Epistemon asserts that he quickly
|
||
|
||
|
||
30 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
moves toward the making of a pact with Satan. Philomathes is a bit
|
||
skeptical as to why a magician should give up the circles and other
|
||
aspects of his art that allow him to rule and control demons, and
|
||
instead voluntarily subject himself to the Devil's authority by means
|
||
of a contract. The answer of Epistemon seems a bit weak on this
|
||
point. He asserts that the conjuration of spirits by means of a magic
|
||
circle is long and arduous, and that if the magician has omitted or
|
||
spoiled even one detail in the process, he will immediately be seized
|
||
by the Devil and carried away to hell, whereas if he enters into a
|
||
pact with Satan, he can summon familiar spirits easily and safely to
|
||
do his bidding for the term of the contract.
|
||
The two enter into a discussion of what the pact with the Devil
|
||
entails, and what benefits it provides, and of the different types
|
||
of fallen angels. Epistemon denies that there are elemental spirits
|
||
on the grounds that the fallen angels did not fall by gradations of
|
||
weight, to be differentiated into the various elemental layers, but
|
||
fell all together according to their nature, and wander the world
|
||
as God's hangmen, ready to execute his wrath upon the wicked.
|
||
He also denies the complex hierarchies of fallen spirits such as are
|
||
printed in the grimoires, on the grounds that the order of heaven
|
||
was broken when these angels fell into hell; and in any case, we can
|
||
not know what their hellish hierarchies may be because God would
|
||
not permit this information to be conveyed by demons. The Devil
|
||
is not to be trusted. Some of his revelations are true, the better to
|
||
beguile humanity, but the rest are false.
|
||
Concerning the black pact itself, Epistemon states that it is ei
|
||
ther written out in the magician's own blood or is signified by a
|
||
mark which the Devil makes somewhere on the body of the magi
|
||
cian. Unlike the witch's mark, the magician's mark is not necessar
|
||
ily visible.
|
||
Philomathes asks why it is that whereas witches are universally
|
||
condemned and persecuted, many states not only allow magicians
|
||
to live untroubled, but rejoice in demonstrations of their skill. He
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 31
|
||
|
||
|
||
offers two possible justifications: first, that it is the long-held custom,
|
||
and second, that Moses was himself a magician. Epistemon counters
|
||
with the argument that an evil custom should never be considered a
|
||
good law. As to Moses working magic, he doubts that was ever the
|
||
case, but suggests that if Moses did study or even practice the magic
|
||
of Egypt, he did so before he was called upon by God. He asserts
|
||
that magicians should be punished with exactly the same severity as
|
||
witches.
|
||
In Book Two of the work, Philomathes raises three objections to
|
||
the existence of witchcraft. The first, which has a bearing on the lan
|
||
guage of the Kingjames version of the Bible, is that many scholars
|
||
believe that the references to magic in the Bible refer to magicians
|
||
and necromancers only, not to witches. The second is that those
|
||
who believe themselves to practice witchcraft are mentally ill and
|
||
self-deluded. The third objection is that if witches really possessed
|
||
all the powers that are claimed for them, there would be no godly
|
||
person left alive on the face of the Earth.
|
||
Epistemon agrees that many referred to in the Bible who used
|
||
magic were necromancers and magicians, but asserts that others
|
||
were witches, according to the vulgar definition of a witch being
|
||
one controlled or ruled by the Devil. As to the objection that witches
|
||
are afflicted with melancholy madness, he argues that they exhibit
|
||
none of the symptoms of melancholy. The answer to the third ob
|
||
jection is that the Devil himself is bridled by God in the amount of
|
||
harm he can work, so naturally his chosen instruments are similarly
|
||
limited.
|
||
Epistemon defines the term "sorcery," that it signifies the casting
|
||
of a lot, and divides sorcerers into two types according to their sta
|
||
tion in life. The rich are motivated to practice sorcery by a desire for
|
||
revenge against others, while the poor practice it in the hope that it
|
||
will lead to the acquisition of money or goods.
|
||
The Devil comes to the sorcerer or witch while they brood in sol
|
||
itude, either as a disembodied voice or in the form of a man, and he
|
||
|
||
|
||
32 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
asks them what is troubling them. Then the Devil offers to remove
|
||
all their difficulties if they follow his advice and do all he requires of
|
||
them. So much for the first meeting. At the second encounter the
|
||
Devil persuades the candidate to pledge service to him, then reveals
|
||
himself to the witch, compels the witch to renounce God, and gives
|
||
the witch a mark on some hidden part of the body where it will not
|
||
be easily noticed. The mark remains unhealed and extremely painful
|
||
until the time of the third meeting, when the Devil heals it as a dem
|
||
onstration of his power. Forever thereafter it remains completely in
|
||
sensible to pain. At the third meeting the Devil also begins to teach
|
||
the new witch the art of witchcraft.
|
||
Philomathes inquires what are the practices of the witch, and
|
||
Epistemon divides them into two classes: actions pertaining to them
|
||
selves, and actions pertaining to others. The first consists mainly of
|
||
meeting in groups to worship Satan. The main form of adoration in
|
||
volves kissing the Devil on the buttocks. Epistemon lists some of the
|
||
supposed powers of witches employed in getting to these meetings,
|
||
such as flying through the air, making themselves invisible, trans
|
||
forming into small beasts so that they can find their way through the
|
||
smallest crack into a sealed house, and causing their souls to leave
|
||
their bodies while they lie in a trance.
|
||
Flying, Epistemon believes, is possible when the Devil carries the
|
||
witch, but the agency of a great wind could not be used for a longer
|
||
time than the witches could hold their breath, or they would suffo
|
||
cate. Invisibility is also possible in his view, by the Devil thickening
|
||
the air to conceal the witch from sight. He offers the opinion that
|
||
the transformation of witches into small animals to pass through
|
||
tiny cracks is implausible, but says the Devil can simulate the appear
|
||
ance of this change. He also rejects the concept of the soul leaving
|
||
the body, since surely this only occurs after death, and it is not in the
|
||
Devil's power to restore the dead to life.
|
||
Philomathes asks what the actions of witches are directed against
|
||
others. Epistemon answers that witches first gather in churches, and
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 33
|
||
|
||
|
||
at these gatherings propose their intended evil doings to the Devil,
|
||
who approves them and also instructs the witches on the meth
|
||
ods. His friend interrupts him, asking why there are twenty female
|
||
witches for every male witch. Epistemon's response is the stock an
|
||
swer of the demonologists-women are inherently weaker than
|
||
men, and ever since the Serpent deceived Eve, he has been more at
|
||
home tricking women than men.
|
||
The ways of witches for working evil are examined by Episte
|
||
mon. They are pictures of wax or clay bearing the name of the in
|
||
tended victim that are roasted over a fire, occult poisons that receive
|
||
their active virtues from the Devil, spells that cause love or hate, the
|
||
spreading of diseases, the raising of tempests, the inducing of mad
|
||
ness, the causing of spirits to haunt persons or houses, and the caus
|
||
ing of individuals to become possessed.
|
||
Philomathes wonders whether God would permit such misfor
|
||
tunes to befall men and women who believe in him, and Epistemon
|
||
assures him that witches can afflict both the godly and the wicked. Is
|
||
it ever lawful to seek out a witch for a cure to a disease that has been
|
||
caused by witchcraft? Never lawful, Epistemon assures his friend; the
|
||
only lawful remedy is prayer.
|
||
If all men are subject to the evil effects of witchcraft, Philomathes
|
||
asks how any man can be brave enough to punish them. His friend
|
||
rather stiffly replies that we should not refrain from virtue merely
|
||
because the way may be perilous; and in any case, no one is more
|
||
protected against witchcraft than those who zealously prosecute
|
||
witches. The magistrate who sits in judgment over a witch is pro
|
||
tected from her malice in proportion to the degree of his severity
|
||
toward her-the more lenient he is, the more he is in danger. On the
|
||
contrary, if the magistrate applies the just laws of God in a rigorous
|
||
way to the examination and punishment of witches, God will pro
|
||
tect him.
|
||
In response to the question, does the Devil visit witches while
|
||
they languish in prisons, Epistemon says that Satan only visits the
|
||
|
||
|
||
34 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
unrepentant witch, in order to give false hope, but he never comes
|
||
to the witch who has repented and rejected him. When he does visit
|
||
a prison, the Devil comes to apprentice witches in the form they pre
|
||
viously agreed that he would adopt when coming to them, but to
|
||
master witches he comes in any form he pleases or deems best for
|
||
his purposes, which he can easily do since his body is composed of
|
||
air.
|
||
How can he be felt by witches if his body is of air, Philomathes
|
||
wonders. Epistemon admits that there is not much on this matter
|
||
contained in the confessions of witches, but he believes it is done ei
|
||
ther by the Devil animating and possessing a corpse, or by deluding
|
||
the witches' sense of touch. As to whether others can see the Devil
|
||
when he comes to witches in prison, Epistemon says sometimes yes,
|
||
sometimes no. The talk shifts to why spirits and ghosts were com
|
||
monly seen when Scotland was Catholic, but are very rare now that
|
||
it is Protestant; yet at the same time, witches were rare in past times,
|
||
but are now become common. Epistemon puts it down to the gross
|
||
ignorance of the papists, which caused God to punish them with
|
||
night terrors, whereas in the present the error is one of arrogance,
|
||
punished by God with an abounding of witchcraft.
|
||
Book Three opens with a consideration of the four main sorts of
|
||
spirits: spirits that haunt houses or deserted places, spirits that fol
|
||
low and trouble individuals, spirits that enter into and possess indi
|
||
viduals, and the spirits commonly known as fairies. Yet all these four
|
||
types are really only one type, asserts Epistemon, who take on vari
|
||
ous shapes and perform various offices to more efficiently plague
|
||
mankind.
|
||
Epistemon explains that the first type received different names
|
||
from the ancients depending on their works. Those that haunted
|
||
houses were called lemures, or specters, but if they appeared in the
|
||
form of a dead man to his friends, they were termed "shades of
|
||
the dead." They haunt deserted places rather than large gatherings
|
||
because God will not permit the Devil to dishonor the societies of
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 35
|
||
|
||
|
||
Christians, and besides, men are more apt to be frightened in lonely
|
||
places. When they haunt an inhabited house, it is a sure sign that
|
||
those who live there are ignorant of God's laws, or are wicked.
|
||
Philomathes wants to know how such a spirit can enter a house
|
||
the doors and windows of which are sealed. Epistemon is not en
|
||
tirely convincing in his answer. If the spirit possesses the body of a
|
||
dead person, it can easily open a door or window without any great
|
||
noise, he says, but does not explain how the spirit bypasses locks or
|
||
bolts. Philomathes wonders if God would allow a spirit to desecrate
|
||
a body. It is no desecration, says Epistemon, because the soul is ab
|
||
sent. The Devil can as easily cause the disinterment for his purposes
|
||
of the body of a godly man as one who is ungodly. What is the best
|
||
way to banish a spirit from a house? Two ways, says Epistemon,
|
||
prayer to God and the amending of a life of sin.
|
||
In response to Philomathes' query about the spirits that appear
|
||
to impersonate the newly dead to his friends, Epistemon says they
|
||
are called "wraiths" in English, and were very common among the
|
||
pagan nations, where they were believed to be good spirits sent to
|
||
forewarn them of the death of their friend or teach them the way
|
||
of his end, but all this was only the deception of the Devil. What
|
||
about werewolves, asks Philomathes. Are they not a form of this
|
||
kind of spirit? His learned friend agrees that this was the opinion
|
||
of the Greeks, but for his own part, he believes them nothing more
|
||
than men afflicted with a melancholy humor that has unhinged their
|
||
reason and made them run wild.
|
||
The next two types of spirits are those who either trouble men
|
||
by following them or by possessing their bodies. This only happens
|
||
to those of the worst sort who are guilty of serious offenses, as a
|
||
punishment of God; or to the best sort of persons, as a test of their
|
||
faith. Why should the Devil bother doing God's work for him in
|
||
this way, Philomathes wonders, and his friend replies that the Devil
|
||
has two goals: the lives and the souls of those he persecutes in this
|
||
manner.
|
||
|
||
|
||
36 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
Considering the spirits that follow after men, Philomathes ob
|
||
serves that there are two sorts, those who trouble the individuals
|
||
they associate with, and another kind that does them good service
|
||
and warns them against future dangers. He asks whether the second
|
||
sort are what is known as guardian angels. Epistemon retorts that
|
||
the pagan belief that everyone has a good angel and an evil angel
|
||
is a gross error, but that in Christian times the Devil attempts the
|
||
same sort of fiction by sending spirits that are known as brownies
|
||
into houses to do necessary work, in order to make the inhabitants
|
||
believe that they are good spirits. But what possible reason could the
|
||
Devil, who is only interested in doing evil, have for sending spirits to
|
||
do good? Is it not reason enough, demands Epistemon, to deceive
|
||
the ignorant into believing the Devil to be their friend?
|
||
Another type of following spirit is treated, those called incubi or
|
||
succubi, who have sex with women or men. Philomathes wants to
|
||
know if they exist, and if there is any difference of sex among spirits.
|
||
Epistemon replies that this sort of spirit operates either by stealing
|
||
the sperm of dead men and injecting it into women, which caused
|
||
many nuns to be burnt, or else by animating a corpse. Either way,
|
||
the sperm used by the Devil is always icy cold. Epistemon denies
|
||
that spirits have any inherent sexual differentiation, since the division
|
||
of the sexes is confined to living things, or that such spirits can en
|
||
gender monsters. The seed of a dead man cannot impregnate, being
|
||
also dead, and if the seed of a living man is stolen and used, over
|
||
looking for the moment the fact that it would cool down and be
|
||
come infertile in transit, the child engendered will be normal, since
|
||
the seed is normal. However, the Devil can make a woman who is
|
||
not pregnant get a swollen belly, and appear to be pregnant, and on
|
||
such occasions the midwife may pretend that she has given birth to
|
||
something monstrous.
|
||
Philomathes raises the interesting question as to why incubi and
|
||
succubi are more common in northern lands, such as Lapland, Fin
|
||
land, or the islands of Orkney and Shetland. His learned friend sets
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 37
|
||
|
||
|
||
this down to the greater ignorance of their populations. Do any give
|
||
their willing consent to the lovemaking of this class of following
|
||
spirit? Some witches do, Epistemon admits, and they are to be pun
|
||
ished and detested, but as for those women who suffer this indignity
|
||
unwillingly, they are only to be pitied and prayed for.
|
||
Philomathes wonders if what is called "the mare" is this type of
|
||
sexual spirit, but he is answered that the mare is only a kind of natu
|
||
ral sickness caused by thick phlegm lying over the heart, and giving
|
||
the impression that a weight is holding the body down while at the
|
||
same time sapping the body of its strength to move.
|
||
Two matters interest Philomathes concerning the class of pos
|
||
sessing spirits: how can the possessed be distinguished from the in
|
||
sane, and how can the priests of the Catholic church, being heretics,
|
||
cast these spirits out? There are various ways to tell a person pos
|
||
sessed from one who is insane, Epistemon tells him. The possessed
|
||
fear the cross and the name of God, have unnatural strength and
|
||
agility, and have the power to speak in languages they never learned,
|
||
which they do in a hollow voice that seems to emanate from the
|
||
breast rather than the mouth. As for how the priests can cure the
|
||
possessed, usually the cure is not permanent but only temporary,
|
||
and when it is permanent, as it sometimes is, the cure proceeds not
|
||
from any virtue of the priests but from the virtue of Christ, when
|
||
the priests follow his instructions for exorcism, which are fasting,
|
||
prayer, and that the action be done in his name.
|
||
Progressing to the last class of spirits, the fairies, Epistemon de
|
||
clares that stories about them were much more common under the
|
||
papists, but that for his part, he does not believe in their existence,
|
||
except on occasions when they are mere deceptions of the Devil.
|
||
Philomathes objects that many men have gone to their deaths swear
|
||
ing that they were transported by the fairies into a hill, where they
|
||
met the fairy queen and received from her a magic stone that they
|
||
were able to produce in evidence. His friend responds that in the
|
||
same way the Devil can make men believe that their soul can leave
|
||
|
||
|
||
38 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
their body, so can he deceive them into thinking they have visited
|
||
fairyland while they lie senseless in a trance, and can convey a com
|
||
mon stone into their hand. And when they see those they know
|
||
among the fairies, and take this for an omen of the imminent deaths
|
||
of those persons, it is only another trick of the Devil.
|
||
Philomathes wonders if fairies only appear to witches, or can
|
||
appear to others also? To both, says Epistemon. They come to oth
|
||
ers either to frighten them or to impersonate a cleaner sort of spirit
|
||
than they really are, but to witches they serve as a way of persuading
|
||
gullible magistrates that they ought to be punished with less severity.
|
||
The first group should be pitied, but those who use these spirits for
|
||
|
||
divination deserve an even more severe punishment than the aver
|
||
|
||
age witch, because they are less honest.
|
||
The two discuss briefly the question of the multitude of names
|
||
of spirits. Epistemon dismisses this as just another knavery of the
|
||
Devil, used for the purpose of deception.
|
||
As they approach the end of their conversation, they consider
|
||
the matter of suitable punishment for magicians and witches. Epis
|
||
temon states flatly that they should be put to death. In what way, he
|
||
is asked. Commonly it is done by fire, but any form of execution
|
||
accepted by the laws of the nation will serve as well. Should any
|
||
sex, age, or rank be exempted from this punishment? None at all,
|
||
says Epistemon. Not even children, asks Philomathes. Yes, but only
|
||
because they are not yet capable of reason. All the rest, those who
|
||
consult, or trust in, or turn a blind eye to, or entertain, or incite to
|
||
magic are just as guilty as those who practice it, and should be put to
|
||
death. May the prince or chief magistrate spare the life of one guilty
|
||
of witchcraft? He may delay the punishment, says Epistemon, if he
|
||
has good reason for doing so, but must not shirk to apply it in the
|
||
end.
|
||
Philomathes observes that judges ought to beware condemning
|
||
any unless they are sure the accused is guilty, and his friend agrees
|
||
that no one should be condemned on the testimony of only one
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 39
|
||
|
||
|
||
man of poor reputation. How much weight is to be given to the
|
||
multiple confessions of the guilty in finding against the accused?
|
||
Epistemon gives his opinion that since in cases of treason defamed
|
||
persons may act as witnesses, their testimony should also be suffi
|
||
cient in cases of witchcraft, which is treason against God; for who
|
||
but witches can prove the doings of witches?
|
||
What if witches accuse others of having been present at their
|
||
imaginary conventions, while their physical bodies lie in trance,
|
||
Philomathes wants to know. In the view of Epistemon, such persons
|
||
are not a hair the less guilty, since the Devil would never dare to bor
|
||
row their image to place at the witches' convention without their
|
||
consent. And consent in these matters is death under the law. Think
|
||
ing to score debating points with his learned friend, Philomathes
|
||
quickly answers, then Samuel must have been a witch, since the
|
||
Devil borrowed his shape to appear before Saul. But his friend is
|
||
ready for this argument-Samuel was already dead at the time and
|
||
for this reason could not be slandered by the Devil. God never per
|
||
mits innocent persons to be slandered in this way, says Epistemon,
|
||
and as proof of this, those who are carried away by the fairies never
|
||
see the shade of anyone in the fairy court who is not involved in
|
||
some way with witchcraft. Indeed, those whom witches accuse,
|
||
even when witchcraft cannot be actually proved against them, al
|
||
ways turn out to be of evil life and reputation.
|
||
There are two methods for determining a witch, according to
|
||
Epistemon. One is to find the witch mark and test that it is insensi
|
||
tive to pain. The other is the floating of the accused person on the
|
||
water. Those who have renounced the sacred water of baptism and
|
||
refused its benefits are themselves rejected by water, which will not
|
||
receive them into its depths; indeed, they cannot even shed tears
|
||
no matter how much you threaten or torture them, despite the fact
|
||
that women cry dissembling tears like crocodiles at the lightest of
|
||
occasions.
|
||
|
||
|
||
40 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
The two friends, having exhausted their topic, say goodbye to
|
||
each other. Philomathes offers the hope with his final words that
|
||
God will purge Scotland of the scourge of witchcraft, which was
|
||
never before so common as it is now. Epistemon offers his last snip
|
||
pet of erudition by observing that the reasons for it are manifest.
|
||
On the one hand, the great wickedness of the people has procured
|
||
this punishment of God; while on the other hand, the approaching
|
||
end of the world causes Satan to be all the more anxious to work
|
||
as much evil as he can before his power is ended. And so ends the
|
||
discourse.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTE ON THE ORIGINAL TEXTS
|
||
|
||
|
||
This new edition of Demonology by James the Sixth of Scotland, who
|
||
would later go on to become James the First of England, is designed
|
||
to make this historically important book on witchcraft and magic
|
||
fully accessible to the modern reader. The original text was penned
|
||
during the late Elizabethan Age. Its spelling is archaic, and its para
|
||
|
||
graphing and sentence construction irrational, rendering a complete
|
||
comprehension of the material an ordeal. Understanding is further
|
||
inhibited by the many obsolete Scottish terms that pepper the book.
|
||
These terms would not have been immediately familiar even to
|
||
educated individuals in the south of England in the same decade in
|
||
which the work was written, and to the average reader of today they
|
||
are incomprehensible.
|
||
While modernizing the work, I endeavored wherever possible to
|
||
retain the words and prose structure used by James. Where it was nec
|
||
essary to substitute a modern equivalent in place of an archaic Scottish
|
||
word, I tried to not only find the closest synonym but the word that
|
||
best preserved the sound and connotation of the original. Biblical refer
|
||
ences that appear as abbreviated marginal glosses in the original have
|
||
been expanded and inserted into the body of the text in parentheses.
|
||
In the few instances where words have been interjected into the text
|
||
to clarifY its meaning, they are enclosed in square brackets. Those who
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 4 [I ]
|
||
|
||
|
||
wish to compare the modernized version with the original, or who
|
||
|
||
need the original text for purposes of reference or quotation, will fmd
|
||
it in Appendix A.
|
||
Once the difficulty in comprehending the text itself is sur
|
||
mounted, there is still the problem of the numerous obscure refer
|
||
|
||
ences to magic and witchcraft made by James throughout the work.
|
||
|
||
The explanatory notes that appear at the end of each chapter will
|
||
help the reader to understand not only what James wrote but what
|
||
he meant. Woodcuts from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth
|
||
centuries have been inserted were applicable to further clarify topics
|
||
|
||
mentioned by James.
|
||
|
||
The modernized text of Demonology is based on the 1924 Bodley
|
||
Head reprint of the original 1 597 edition of the work. The Bodley
|
||
Head reprint also contains the full text of a 1 592 edition of the tract
|
||
News From Scotland and reproductions of its woodcuts. The title pages
|
||
|
||
of the original editions of Demonology and News From Scotland included
|
||
with the present work, along with the woodcut illustrations of News
|
||
From Scotland, were derived from the Bodley Head edition.
|
||
News From Scotland has long accompanied Demonology, and for
|
||
|
||
good reason. The events it details were the impulse that triggered
|
||
the lifelong battle waged by James against witchcraft, and inspired
|
||
him to write Demonology. James regarded witchcraft as a personal
|
||
threat because he believed that his death had been plotted by the
|
||
|
||
accused men and women involved in the New Berwick witch affair,
|
||
|
||
described in the tract. He looked upon Satan as a personal foe. In
|
||
the testimonies of these supposed witches, spoken in the presence
|
||
of the King, the Devil was reported to have identified James as his
|
||
greatest enemy.
|
||
|
||
The authorship of News From Scotland is not know, but it may
|
||
|
||
have been based on an account of the North Berwick affair written
|
||
by James Carmichael, the Minister of Haddington. Sir James Mel
|
||
ville recorded in his Memoirs that Carmichael had written "the his
|
||
tory whereof, with their whole depositions." The work itself was
|
||
|
||
|
||
42 INTRODUCTION
|
||
|
||
|
||
written in England rather than Scotland, to judge by the language
|
||
and other internal evidence. William Wright, the publisher, is un
|
||
likely to have been the author, but probably edited the work exten
|
||
sively. Although 1 591 appears on the title pages of early editions,
|
||
that date refers to the execution of John Fian. The work has been
|
||
dated at 1 592, though the document upon which it was based was
|
||
probably written in the latter half of 1 59 1 .
|
||
Copies of the first edition are extremely rare-only a handful sur
|
||
vive. Two other editions, also undated, were published shortly after
|
||
the first printing of the work, probably in 1 592, with slight variations
|
||
in the format of the title page. The original contained two wood
|
||
cuts. One of the other early editions duplicated the first of these il
|
||
lustrations at the start of the work. The 1 924 Bodley Head reprint was
|
||
based on this edition with the duplicate woodcut, and contains two
|
||
other woodcuts that obviously were not created for the work itself but
|
||
were added for decorative purposes. The early editions are in black
|
||
letter, except for the section To the Reader and the concluding section,
|
||
which are in Roman typeface.
|
||
News From Scotland is here treated as a natural companion to De
|
||
monology. Its text has been similarly modernized, and its matter illu
|
||
minated by a complete set of notes that provide information about
|
||
the larger context of the North Berwick witch trials not covered in
|
||
the tract. The original text appears in Appendix B for purposes of
|
||
comparison with the modernized version and quotation.
|
||
Appendix C is occupied by a modernized version of the full text
|
||
of the infamous witch act, or witchcraft statute, of 1 604, passed by
|
||
the English parliament shortly after the ascension of James to the
|
||
throne of England. Also in this appendix is a modernized version of
|
||
the Tolbooth Speech, which James uttered in 1 59 1 after overturning
|
||
the acquittal by an Edinburgh jury of one of the accused witches he
|
||
believed had plotted to kill him with magic. Both documents convey
|
||
very clearly the attitude of the king toward witchcraft and its legal
|
||
prosecution.
|
||
|
||
|
||
INTRODUCTION 43
|
||
|
||
|
||
Modernization of the texts, coupled with the explanatory notes,
|
||
introductory essay, and additional period illustrations, make these
|
||
unique documents of the witch persecutions in Scotland fully ac
|
||
cessible to all readers, especially to modern Wiccans and pagans, for
|
||
whom the doings during the reigns of James are not mere historical
|
||
abstractions but matters of direct interest and concern.
|
||
|
||
|
||
#### T H E PR E FACE to the Reader
|
||
|
||
The fearful abounding at this time, in this country, of these detest
|
||
able slaves of the Devil, the witches or enchanters, has moved me
|
||
(beloved reader) to dispatch in the post, this following treatise of
|
||
mine, not in any way (as I protest) to serve for a show of my learn
|
||
ing and ingenuity, but only (moved by conscience) to press thereby,
|
||
so far as I can, to resolve the doubting hearts of many both that such
|
||
assaults of Satan are most certainly practiced, and that the instru
|
||
ments thereof merit most severely to be punished, against the dam
|
||
nable opinions of two principally in our age. Whereof, the one
|
||
called Scot, 1 an Englishman, is not ashamed in public print to deny
|
||
that there can be such a thing as witchcraft, and so maintains the old
|
||
error of the Sadducees in denying spirits. The other called Wierus,Z a
|
||
German physician, sets out a public apology for all these craftsfolk/
|
||
whereby, procuring for their impunity, he plainly betrays himself to
|
||
have been one of that profession.
|
||
And to make this treatise more pleasant and easy, I have put it in
|
||
the form of a dialogue, which I have divided into three books: the
|
||
first speaking of magic in general and necromancy in particular, the
|
||
second of sorcery and witchcraft, 4 the third containing a discourse
|
||
of all these kinds of spirits and specters that appear and trouble per
|
||
sons, together with a conclusion of the whole work.
|
||
|
||
|
||
4 [5 ]
|
||
|
||
|
||
46 DEMONOLOGY: PREFACE
|
||
|
||
|
||
My intention in this labor is only to prove two things, as I have
|
||
already said: the one, that such devilish arts have been and are; the
|
||
other, what exact trial and severe punishment they merit. And there
|
||
fore I reason what kind of things are possible to be performed in
|
||
these arts, and by what natural causes they may be: not that I touch
|
||
every particular thing of the Devil's power, for they are infinite, but
|
||
only, to speak scholastically (since this cannot be spoken in our lan
|
||
guage), I reason upon genus, leaving species and direntia to be com
|
||
prehended therein. 5
|
||
As, for example, speaking of the power of magicians in the first
|
||
book, sixth chapter, I say that they can suddenly cause to be brought
|
||
unto them all kinds of dainty dishes by their familiar spirit, since as
|
||
a thief he delights to steal, and as a spirit he can subtly and suddenly
|
||
enough transport the same. Now, under this genus may be compre
|
||
hended all particulars, depending thereupon, such as bringing wine
|
||
out of a wall (as we have heard of to have been practiced) and such
|
||
things, which particulars are sufficiently proved by reasons of the
|
||
general. And similarly, in the second book of witchcraft in particular,
|
||
the fifth chapter, I say and prove by diverse arguments that witches
|
||
can, by the power of their Master, cure or cast on diseases. Now, by
|
||
these same reasons that prove their power by the Devil of diseases
|
||
in general, is as well proved their power in particular, as of weak
|
||
ening the nature of some men to make them unable for women, 6
|
||
and making it to abound in others more than the ordinary course of
|
||
nature would permit, and such like in all other particular sicknesses.
|
||
But one thing I will pray you to observe in all these places where
|
||
I reason upon the Devil's power, which is the different ends and
|
||
scopes that God as the first cause, and the Devil as his instrument
|
||
and second cause, shoots at in all these actions of the Devil (as God's
|
||
hangman): for where the Devil's intention in them is ever to kill ei
|
||
ther the soul or the body, or both of them, that he is so permitted
|
||
to deal with, God by the contrary draws ever out of that evil, glory
|
||
to himself, either by the wreck of the wicked in his justice, or by the
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: PREFACE 47
|
||
|
||
|
||
trial of the patient and amendment of the faithful, being wakened
|
||
up with that rod of correction.
|
||
Having thus declared to you then, my full intention in this trea
|
||
tise, you will easily excuse, I doubt not, as well my omitting to de
|
||
clare the whole particular rites and secrets of these unlawful arts,
|
||
|
||
and also their infinite and wonderful practices, as being neither of
|
||
them pertinent to my purpose, the reason whereof is given in the
|
||
latter part of the first chapter of the third book.
|
||
He who likes to be curious of these things may read, if he will
|
||
|
||
hear of their practices, Bodin's Demonomania/ collected with greater
|
||
|
||
diligence than written with judgement, together with their confes
|
||
sions, that have been at this time apprehended. If he would know
|
||
what has been the opinion of the ancients concerning their power,
|
||
he shall see it well described by Hyperius8 and Hemmingius,9 two
|
||
late German writers, besides innumerable other modern theolo
|
||
gians that write at length upon that subject. And if he would know
|
||
what are the particular rites and curiosities of these black arts (which
|
||
is both unnecessary and perilous), he will find it in the Fourth Book10
|
||
|
||
of Cornelius Agrippa, and in Wierus who spoke of it. And so, wish
|
||
|
||
ing my pains in this treatise (beloved reader) to be effectual in arm
|
||
ing all those that read the same against these above mentioned er
|
||
rors, and recommending my good will to your friendly acceptance, I
|
||
bid you hearty farewell.
|
||
|
||
James, Regent
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTE S ON THE PREFACE
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : Reginald Scot, author of The Discoverie of Witchcraft, a work
|
||
|
||
first published in 1 5 84. Scot provoked the ire of King James not
|
||
only because he dared in his book to reveal details of the lore of
|
||
magic, such as the names and offices of demons, but also because
|
||
he maintained that those accused of witchcraft were deluded
|
||
and incapable of committing the crimes of which they stood ac
|
||
|
||
cused. After James became king of England, he ordered all copies
|
||
|
||
|
||
48 DEMONOLOGY: PREFACE
|
||
|
||
|
||
of Scot's book gathered up and burned. Examining the work, it
|
||
is easy to see what troubled James so greatly. For example, Scot
|
||
wrote:
|
||
I am also well assured, that if all the old women in the world
|
||
|
||
were witches; and all the priests, conjurers: we should not have
|
||
|
||
a drop of raine, nor a blast of wind the more or the !esse for
|
||
|
||
them. For the Lord hath bound the waters in the clouds, and
|
||
|
||
hath set bounds about the waters, untill the daie and night come
|
||
|
||
to an end: yea it is God that raiseth the winds and stilleth them:
|
||
|
||
and he saith to the raine and snowe; Be upon the earth, and
|
||
|
||
it falleth. The wind of the Lord, and not the wind of witches,
|
||
|
||
shall destroie the treasures of their plesant vessels, and drie up
|
||
|
||
the fountaines, saith Oseas. Let us also learne and confesse with
|
||
|
||
the Prophet David, that we our selves are the causes of our af
|
||
|
||
flictions; and not exclaime upon witches, when we should call
|
||
|
||
upon God for mercie. (Scot, Discoverie of Witchcraft, page 2)
|
||
|
||
Note 2: Johann Weyer, author of De praestigiis daemonum, first pub
|
||
lished in 1563. Weyer, whose last name is sometimes spelled "Wi
|
||
erus," annoyed James in a number of ways-by revealing practical
|
||
details of ceremonial magic, by defending the reputation of his
|
||
teacher Cornelius Agrippa, who was widely regarded as a sor
|
||
cerer, and by denying the powers of witchcraft, as shown by his
|
||
quotation from the Decretum of Gratian:
|
||
|
||
This very phenomenon is confirmed by the Decretum: "Cer
|
||
|
||
tain silly women who are devoted to Satan and who have been
|
||
|
||
seduced by demonic illusions believe that they also commit
|
||
|
||
other unspeakable deeds, such as tearing young children away
|
||
|
||
from their mother's milk and roasting and eating them, or en
|
||
|
||
tering into homes through chimneys and windows and disturb
|
||
|
||
ing the inhabitants in various ways. But all of these things and
|
||
|
||
others like them happen to them only in fantasy. Indeed, when
|
||
|
||
the woman makes a small ditch and pours urine or water into it,
|
||
|
||
and thinks that by moving a finger she is stirring up a storm, the
|
||
|
||
demon acts in collusion with her, disturbing the air in order that
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: PREFACE 49
|
||
|
||
|
||
he may keep her bound in service to him." (Weyer, On Witch
|
||
|
||
craft [De praestig s daemonum], pages 91-92)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3: james' use of the term "craft" for witchcraft and "craftsfolk"
|
||
for witches is worth noting because witchcraft is in modern times
|
||
often referred to simply as the Craft. Here, he was punning on
|
||
"craft" in the sense of slyness and deceit.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: james regarded magic as synonymous with necromancy,
|
||
and sorcery as synonymous with witchcraft. The best definition
|
||
of the distinction between these two branches of the occult arts
|
||
that James can find is what he refers to as "the difference vulgar
|
||
put betwixt them" (Bk. I, Ch. III): that magicians and necroman
|
||
cers are the Devil's masters, but sorcerers and witches are the
|
||
Devil's servants. He did not accept this definition, believing as he
|
||
did that all who work any form of magic will eventually fall under
|
||
the power of Satan, but he could not present a more concise or
|
||
meaningful alternative.
|
||
If we leave the Devil out of the mix, the distinction is very
|
||
similar to what we today call high magic and low magic. High
|
||
magic involves elaborate rituals, circles, pentacles, divine names,
|
||
and words of power; whereas low magic is more concerned with
|
||
intuitive healing, scrying, and the occult properties of natural
|
||
things such as herbs and stones. High magic tends to be some
|
||
what intellectual and abstract, low magic to be immediate and
|
||
intuitive. High magic has its roots in the wisdom teachings of
|
||
Egypt and Greece; low magic has arisen largely from the indig
|
||
enous practices of northern Europeans.
|
||
Neither branch of Western occultism can be said to exist
|
||
in a pure form in modern times, and even four centuries ago,
|
||
witches probably derived at least some of their methods from
|
||
the grimoires of high magic, especially when they were led and
|
||
instructed by educated individuals. Those who could read and
|
||
write were more likely to study high magic because its methods
|
||
|
||
|
||
50 DEMONOLOGY: PREFACE
|
||
|
||
|
||
were available in manuscripts and printed texts; the uneducated
|
||
were inclined to seek to acquire the folk wisdom of divinations
|
||
and charms directly, by observing and imitating the practices of
|
||
their elders. In the sixteenth century, the division between magi
|
||
cians and witches was based largely on social class, since stand
|
||
ing in society determined the level of education, or lack of it. As
|
||
Charles Leland put it, "it was only the aristocracy who consulted
|
||
Cornelius Agrippa, and could afford Ia haute magie" (Leland,
|
||
Gypsy Sorcery and Fortune Telling, page x iii).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5 : James was making the point that he has based his argument
|
||
on general principles that comprehend specific instances.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: The Malleus Maleficarum lists five ways that a man may be
|
||
rendered unable to copulate by the Devil, enumerated by Peter
|
||
of Palude: first, by physically preventing a man from approach
|
||
ing a woman; second, by freezing his desire with "secret things
|
||
of which he best knows the power;" third, by making the woman
|
||
appear loathsome; fourth, by directly preventing erection of the
|
||
penis; fifth, by preventing the emission of semen (Kramer and
|
||
Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, page 55). Witches were also sup
|
||
posed to have the power to take away the male genitals entirely
|
||
so that only a smooth patch of skin remained between the legs,
|
||
though it is argued in the Malleus Maleficarum that this is only a
|
||
type of glamour (ibid., page 58).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note ?: Jean Bodin (1 530-1 590) was a professor of law at the Univer
|
||
sity of Toulouse and an active trial judge, as well as a member of
|
||
the Parlement de Paris. He had children tortured to extract confes
|
||
sions, and was reluctant to admit even the possibility that anyone
|
||
accused of witchcraft might be innocent. His book on witchcraft,
|
||
De la demonomanie des sorciers, more commonly known in English
|
||
as Demonomania, published in 1 580, may have offended the puri
|
||
tanical sensibilities of James with its explicit sexual references
|
||
for example, Bodin wrote that the Devil sexually seduces girls as
|
||
young as the age of six. This work opens with Bodin's famous
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: PREFACE 51
|
||
|
||
|
||
definition of sorcery or witchcraft (the terms were used more or
|
||
less interchangeably): "A sorcerer is one who by commerce with
|
||
the Devil has a full intention of attaining his own ends."
|
||
|
||
Note 8: A. Hyperius ( 1 5 1 1-1 564), also known as Gerhard of Ypres,
|
||
was a conciliatory Lutheran and a professor of theology at Mar
|
||
burg. In 1553 he wrote De Formandis Concionibus, a work that
|
||
earned him the honorary title of father of homiletics. His 1 556
|
||
work Four Books on the Study of Theology is said to be the first ap
|
||
pearance in print of practical theology.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 9: Nicholas Hemmingius, also known as Niels Hemmingsen
|
||
( 1 5 1 3-1 600). A Danish Lutheran who traveled to Wittenberg
|
||
to study theology. He has been called one of the most learned
|
||
Protestant theologians of the sixteenth century. He wrote about
|
||
witchcraft and its use in curing illnesses. His work De lege naturae
|
||
apodictica methodus appeared in 1 566. In 1 575 his work Admonitio
|
||
de superstitionibus magicis vitandis was published at Copenhagen.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 0: Cornelius Agrippa (1446-1 535) was both famous and in
|
||
famous in the time of King James as the author of Three Books
|
||
of Occult Philosophy, first published in its complete form in 1533.
|
||
This is a practical encyclopedia of all aspects of Western magic.
|
||
A work known as the Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy was often
|
||
attributed to Agrippa, and bound up with his other works, but
|
||
it was not written by Agrippa. It falls into the class of the anony
|
||
mous grimoires, or grammars, of practical magic, and contains
|
||
some interesting material. It was supposed to have been the key
|
||
to the true understanding of Agrippa's Occult Philosophy, but hav
|
||
ing studied the work, I can find little basis for this claim.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### TH E F IRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT
|
||
The exordium of the whole. The description of magic especially.
|
||
|
||
|
||
#### C HA P T E R I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
Proven by the Scripture that these unlawful arts in general have been,
|
||
and may be, put into practice.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES and EPISTEMON reason the matter.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
I am surely very glad to have met you this day, for I am of the opin
|
||
ion that you can better resolve me of something, whereof I stand in
|
||
great doubt, than any other with whom I could have met.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
In what I can, of that you like to speak to me, I will willingly and
|
||
freely tell my opinion, and if I prove it not sufficiently, I am heartily
|
||
content that a better reasoning carry it away.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
What think you of this strange news1 which now furnishes the only
|
||
purpose to all men at their meeting, I mean of these witches?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Surely it is wonderful, and I think so clear and plain confessions in
|
||
that purpose have never fallen out in any age or country.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
No question if they be true, but thereof the doctors doubt.
|
||
|
||
|
||
55
|
||
|
||
|
||
56 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
What part of it doubt you of?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Even of all, for aught I can yet perceive: and namely, that there
|
||
is such a thing as witchcraft or witches; and I would pray you to
|
||
resolve me thereof if you may, for I have reasoned with several in
|
||
that matter and yet could never be satisfied therein.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I shall with good will do the best I can. But I think it the more dif
|
||
ficult, since you deny the thing itself in general, for as it is said in the
|
||
logic schools, contra negantem principia non est disputandum.2 Always
|
||
for that part, that witchcraft and witches have been, and are, the
|
||
former part is clearly proved by the Scriptures, and the last by daily
|
||
experience and confessions.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
I know you will produce as evidence Saul's Pythoness,3 but that, as
|
||
appears, will not make much for you.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Not only that place [in Scripture], but diverse others. But I marvel
|
||
why that should not make much for me?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
The reasons are these: first, you may consider that Saul, being trou
|
||
bled in spirit and having fasted long before, as the text testifies (I
|
||
Samuel 28), and being come to a woman that was reputed to have
|
||
such knowledge, and that to inquire so important news, he having so
|
||
guilty a conscience for his heinous offences, and especially, for that
|
||
same unlawful curiosity and horrible defection, that the woman cry
|
||
ing out upon the sudden in great admiration for the uncouth sight
|
||
that she alleged to have seen, discovering him to be the king, though
|
||
disguised, and denied by him before, it was no wonder, I say, that his
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 57
|
||
|
||
|
||
senses being thus distracted, he could not perceive her feigning of
|
||
|
||
her voice, he being himself in another chamber and seeing nothing.
|
||
Next, what could be, or was, raised? The spirit of Samuel? Pro
|
||
fane and against all theology. The Devil in his likeness? As unappar
|
||
ent, that either God would permit him to come in the shape of his
|
||
saints (for then could never the prophets in those days have been
|
||
sure what spirit spoke to them in their visions), or then that he could
|
||
foretell what was to come thereafter; for prophecy proceeds only of
|
||
God, and the Devil hath no knowledge of things to come.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Yet if you will mark the words of the text, you will find clearly that
|
||
Saul saw that apparition; for, giving you that Saul was in another
|
||
chamber at the making of the circles and conjurations needful for
|
||
that purpose (as none of that craft will permit any others to behold
|
||
at that time), yet it is evident by the text that how soon that once
|
||
that unclean spirit was fully risen, she called in upon Saul. For it is
|
||
said in the text, that Saul knew him to be Samuel, which could not
|
||
have been by the hearing tell only of an old man with a mantle, since
|
||
there were many more old men dead in Israel than Samuel, and the
|
||
common dress of that whole country was mantles.
|
||
As to the next, that it was not the spirit of Samuel, I grant, in the
|
||
proving whereof you need not insist, since all Christians of whatso
|
||
ever religion4 agree upon that, and none but either mere ignorants
|
||
or necromancers or witches doubt thereof. And that the Devil is per
|
||
mitted at some times to put himself in the likeness of the saints, it
|
||
is plain in the Scriptures, where it is said that Satan can transform
|
||
himself into an angel of light (II Corinthians 1 1 : 14). Neither could
|
||
that cause any inconvenience with the visions of the prophets, since
|
||
it is most certain that God will not permit him so to deceive his own,
|
||
but only such as first willfully deceive themselves by running unto
|
||
him, whom God then suffers to fall into their own snares, and justly
|
||
permits them to be deluded with great efficacy of deceit, because
|
||
they would not believe the truth (as Paul says).
|
||
|
||
|
||
5 [8 ] DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
And as to the Devil's foretelling of things to come, it is true that
|
||
he knows not all things future, but yet that he knows part, the tragic
|
||
event of this history declares it (which the wit of woman could
|
||
never have forespoken5); not that he hath any prescience which is
|
||
only proper to God, or yet knows anything by looking upon God, as
|
||
in a mirror (as the good angels do), he being forever debarred from
|
||
the favorable presence and countenance of his creator, but only by
|
||
one of these two means: either, as being worldly wise, and taught by
|
||
continual experience ever since the creation, he judges by the like
|
||
lihood of things to come according to the like that has passed be
|
||
fore, and the natural causes in respect of the vicissitude of all things
|
||
worldly; or else, by God's employing of him in a turn, and so fore
|
||
|
||
seen thereof, as appears to have been in this, whereof we find the
|
||
very like in Micaiah's prophetic discourse to King Ahab (I Kings 22).
|
||
But to prove this my first proposition, that there can be such a
|
||
thing as witchcraft and witches, there are many more places in the
|
||
Scriptures than this (as I said before). As first, in the law of God it is
|
||
|
||
plainly prohibited (Exodus 22);6 but certain it is that the law of God
|
||
speaks nothing in vain, neither doth it lay curses or enjoin punish
|
||
ments upon shadows, condemning that to be ill which is not in es
|
||
sence, or being, as we call it. Secondly, it is plain, where wicked Pha
|
||
raoh's wise men imitated any number of Moses' miracles (Exodus
|
||
7-8) to harden the tyrant's heart thereby. Thirdly, said not Samuel to
|
||
Saul (I Samuel 1 5) that disobedience is as the sin of witchcraft?7 To
|
||
compare to a thing that were not, it were too too absurd. Fourthly,
|
||
was not Simon Magus (Acts 8) a man of their craft? And fifthly, what
|
||
was she that had the spirit of Python? (Acts 16: 16) Beside innumer
|
||
able other places that were irksome to recite.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 59
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK I, CHAPTER I
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : The allusion of James to "strange news" may be a pun
|
||
ning reference to the tract News From Scotland, published in 1592,
|
||
which describes the doings in the North Berwick witchcraft affair
|
||
of the year previous.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: 'There is no disputing a negative premise."
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : The Python was an enormous serpentine dragon that
|
||
guarded the oracle of Gaia at Delphi, on the slope of Mount Par
|
||
nassus. The god Apollo slew the Python and took over the oracle,
|
||
making it his own. The oracle was a woman who was known
|
||
as the Pythoness. She sat above a fissure of rising gases upon
|
||
|
||
a tripod or three-legged seat, her body positioned so that the
|
||
steam from the fissure rose between her legs and was presumed
|
||
to enter her womb. Whether as a result of breathing this vapor,
|
||
or from some natural inclination of her nature, she fell into pro
|
||
phetic trances during which she uttered future events in the form
|
||
of enigmatic verses. The term "Pythoness" came to be applied
|
||
generally to any woman who uttered oracular information, and
|
||
is synonymous with "prophetess." To have a spirit of Pytho, or
|
||
spirit of Python, is to be possessed by a familiar spirit that speaks
|
||
oracular information.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: Catholic or Protestant.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: "To forespeak" has two meanings, "to prophesy" and "to
|
||
bewitch." Here, James employs the term in the first sense.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: In the King james Bible, Exodus 22: 1 8 reads: "Thou shalt
|
||
not suffer a witch to live." There has been considerable debate
|
||
among modern Wiccans and pagans as to what the word "witch"
|
||
actually represents in the original Hebrew text. In the Knox trans
|
||
lation of the Bible, which is considered to be one of the most ac
|
||
curate, the verse reads "Sorcerers must not be allowed to live."
|
||
However, Knox has added the footnote, "In the Hebrew the word
|
||
is feminine, 'witch."' The Hebrew word in question is MKShPH,
|
||
|
||
|
||
60 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
a feminine form of the word MKShP, which Gesenius translates
|
||
as "enchanter" or "magician." The Hebrew word is based upon
|
||
KShP, "to use enchantment" -to use magical songs, to mutter.
|
||
Hence the best translation would seem to be "enchantress."
|
||
In Isaiah 8: 19 reference is made to "wizards that peep and
|
||
that mutter." This quaintly worded description concerns the two
|
||
ways in which those who used magic were supposed to work evil
|
||
on their neighbors. The first way is through the use of the evil
|
||
eye, which is sometimes referred to as "overlooking." The sec
|
||
ond supposed manner of projecting evil was through verses or
|
||
charms spoken quietly under the breath, which James refers to
|
||
later in his book as "forespeaking." "To enchant" is to do magic
|
||
|
||
through the use of spoken or sung words.
|
||
The Vulgate uses maleficus in place of "witch," which is to say,
|
||
one who does wickedness. It appears in the title of the most no
|
||
torious of all the books on witch persecution, the Malleus Malefi
|
||
carum, or Hammer of Witches. The Latin term maleficia was some
|
||
times employed for noxious creatures such as serpents. Since the
|
||
Latin is only an interpretation of the Hebrew and Greek verses, it
|
||
is not relevant in attempting to determine what the Hebrew orig
|
||
inal actually means, but it exerted a profound influence on the
|
||
interpretation of the verse over the centuries. The word "witch"
|
||
in the KingJames Bible has often been presumed, unjustly, to be
|
||
a mistranslation of the words "poisoner" or "murderer."
|
||
King James recognized no distinction between a sorcer
|
||
ess and a witch. Both terms held for him a connotation of one
|
||
who works magic for evil. For him, the translation of MKShPH
|
||
as "witch" seemed perfectly appropriate, particularly since he
|
||
believed that female witches outnumbered their male counter
|
||
parts by a ratio of twenty to one. It is only in the last century that
|
||
witch and witchcraft have been able to escape from under this
|
||
shadow of malice in the understanding of a minority of enlight
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 61
|
||
|
||
|
||
ened individuals; however, for the greater portion of the world's
|
||
|
||
population, the term "witch" still signifies an evildoer.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: In the King james Bible, the word "witchcraft" appearing in
|
||
I Samuel 15:23 is glossed as "divination."
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA PTE R II
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
What kind of sin the practitioners of these unlawful arts commit.
|
||
The division of these arts. And what are the means that allure
|
||
any to practice them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But I think it very strange that God should permit any of mankind
|
||
(since they bear his own image) to fall into so gross and filthy a
|
||
defection.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Although man in his creation was made to the image of the Creator
|
||
(Genesis 1), yet through his fall having lost it, it is but restored again
|
||
in a part by grace only to the elect; so all the rest, falling away from
|
||
God, are given over into the hands of the Devil, that enemy, to bear
|
||
his image, 1 and being once so given over, the greatest and the gross
|
||
est impiety is the most pleasant and most delightful unto them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But may it not suffice him to have indirectly the rule, and procure
|
||
the perdition, of so many souls, by alluring them to vices and to the
|
||
following of their own appetites, suppose he abuse not so many sim
|
||
ple souls in making them directly acknowledge him for their master?
|
||
|
||
|
||
64 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
No, surely, for he uses every man, whom of he has the rule, accord
|
||
ing to their complexion and knowledge, and so whom he finds most
|
||
simple, he most plainly uncovers himself unto them. For he being
|
||
the enemy of man's salvation, uses all the means he can to entrap
|
||
them so far into his snares, as it may be impossible to them thereaf
|
||
ter (suppose they would) to rid themselves out of the same.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Then this sin is a sin against the Holy Ghost.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
It is in some, but not in all.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
How that? Are not all these that run directly to the Devil in one cat
|
||
egory?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
God forbid, for the sin against the Holy Ghost has two branches. The
|
||
one, a falling back from the whole service of God, and a refusal of
|
||
all his precepts. The other is the doing of the first with knowledge,
|
||
knowing that they do wrong against their conscience, and the testi
|
||
mony of the Holy Spirit, having once had a taste of the sweetness
|
||
of God's mercies (Hebrews 6: 10). Now in the first of these two, all
|
||
sorts of necromancers, enchanters, or witches, are comprehended;
|
||
but in the last, none but such as err with this knowledge that I have
|
||
spoken of.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Then it appears that there are more sorts than one that are directly
|
||
professors of his service, and if so be, I pray you tell me how many,
|
||
and what are they?
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 65
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
There are principally two sorts, whereunto all the parts of that
|
||
unhappy art are redacted; whereof, the one is called magic or necro
|
||
mancy, and the other sorcery or witchcraft.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
What, I pray you, and how many, are the means whereby the Devil
|
||
allures persons into any of these snares?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Even by these three passions that are within ourselves: curiosity at
|
||
great ingenuities; thirst of revenge for some offenses deeply held; or
|
||
greedy appetite of possessions, caused through great poverty. As to
|
||
the first of these, curiosity, it is only the enticement of magicians or
|
||
necromancers; and the other two are the allures of the sorcerers or
|
||
witches. For that old and crafty Serpent, being a spirit, he easily spies
|
||
our affections, 2 and so conforms himself thereto to deceive us to our
|
||
wreak.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK I, CH APTER II
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : A reference to the mark of the Beast. See Revelation 13: 1 6,
|
||
where those who worship the image of the first Beast that has
|
||
seven heads and ten horns (Revelation 1 3 : 1 ) are given a mark
|
||
upon their foreheads or the palms of their right hands by the sec
|
||
ond Beast that has two horns like a lamb (Revelation 1 3 : 1 1). This
|
||
is obviously the basis for the belief that the Devil impressed each
|
||
witch with a mark as a symbol of his or her acceptance of Satan
|
||
as master. The shape of the mark is not described, nor is there
|
||
any reason to necessarily connect the mark with the number of
|
||
the Beast (Revelation 13:18).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: james seems to mean that the Devil, being a spirit, is able to
|
||
hide unseen and watch us to spy out our secret desires. He then
|
||
uses this knowledge to present to us the prospect of attaining those
|
||
|
||
|
||
66 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
things we desire, whether they be occult and forbidden learning in
|
||
the case of magicians and necromancers, or a way to exact revenge
|
||
and attain wealth in the case of sorcerers and witches. Elsewhere
|
||
James mentions that the Devil cannot read our thoughts, so he
|
||
must learn our desires by observing our actions.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P T E R I I I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
The significance and etymology of the words magic and necromancy.
|
||
The dierence between necromancy and witchcraft. What are the
|
||
entrances and beginnings that bring any to the knowledge thereof
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
I would gladly first hear what thing is it that you call magic or neeromancy.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
This word magic in the Persian tongue 1 imports as much as to be a
|
||
contemplator or interpreter of divine and heavenly sciences: which
|
||
being first used among the Chaldeans, through their ignorance of
|
||
the true divinity, was esteemed and reputed among them as a prin
|
||
cipal virtue, and therefore was named unjustly with an honorable
|
||
style; which name the Greeks imitated, generally importing all these
|
||
kinds of unlawful arts. And this word necromancy is a Greek word,
|
||
compounded of nekron and manteia, which is to say, the prophecy by
|
||
the dead. 2 This last name is given to this black and unlawful science
|
||
by the figure synecdoche,3 because it is a principal part of that art, to
|
||
serve themselves with dead carcasses in their divinations.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
What difference is there between this art and witchcraft?
|
||
|
||
|
||
68 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
Surely, the difference vulgar [persons] put between them is very
|
||
merry, and in a manner true; for they say that the witches are ser
|
||
vants only, and slaves, to the Devil, but the necromancers are his
|
||
masters and commanders.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
How can that be true, that any men being specially addicted to his
|
||
service can be his commanders?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Yes, they may be, but it is only secundum quid, for it is not by any
|
||
power that they can have over him, but ex pacto4 all and only,
|
||
whereby he obliges himself in some trifles to them, that he may on
|
||
the other part obtain the fruition of their body and soul, which is the
|
||
only thing he hunts for.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
A very inequitable contract, in truth. But I pray you discourse unto
|
||
|
||
me, what is the effect and secrets of that art?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
That is over large a field you give me, yet I shall do good will, the
|
||
most summarily that I can, to run through the principal points
|
||
thereof. As there are two sorts of folk that may be enticed to this art,
|
||
to wit, learned and unlearned, so is there two means which are the
|
||
first stirrers up and feeders of their curiosity, thereby to make them
|
||
to give themselves over to the same; which two I call the Devil's
|
||
school, and his rudiments.
|
||
The learned have their curiosity wakened upon, and fed by that
|
||
which I call his school: this is the astrology judicial.5 For diverse men,
|
||
having attained to a great perfection in learning, and yet remained
|
||
over bare (alas) of the spirit of regeneration and fruits thereof, find
|
||
ing all natural things common, as well to the stupid pedants as unto
|
||
them, they assay to vindicate unto them a greater name by not only
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 69
|
||
|
||
|
||
knowing the course of things heavenly, but likewise to claim to the
|
||
knowledge of things to come thereby. Which, at the first face ap
|
||
pearing lawful unto them, in respect the ground thereof seems to
|
||
proceed of natural causes only, they are so allured thereby, that find
|
||
ing their practice to prove true in sundry things, they study to know
|
||
the cause thereof; and so mounting from degree to degree upon the
|
||
slippery and uncertain scale of curiosity, they are at last enticed, that
|
||
where lawful arts or sciences fail, to satisfy their restless minds, even
|
||
to seek to that black and unlawful science of magic. Where, finding
|
||
at the first that such diverse forms of circles and conjurations rightly
|
||
joined thereunto will raise such diverse forms of spirits, to resolve
|
||
them of their doubts, and attributing the doing thereof to the power
|
||
inseparably tied, or inherent, in the circles, and many words of God6
|
||
confusedly wrapped in, they blindly glory of themselves, as if they
|
||
had by their quickness of ingenuity make a conquest of Pluto's
|
||
dominion, and were become emperors over the Stygian habitats.7
|
||
Where, in the mean time (miserable wretches) they are become,
|
||
in very deed, bond slaves to their mortal enemy; and their knowl
|
||
edge, for all that they presume thereof, is nothing increased except
|
||
in knowing evil, and the horrors of hell for punishment thereof, as
|
||
Adam's was by the eating of the forbidden tree (Genesis 3).
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK I, CH APTER III
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : "Magic" is a word signifying the art of the magi, a priestly
|
||
cast of wise men in ancient Persia who may originally have come
|
||
from a single Median tribe. "Magus" is a Latin word, from the
|
||
Greek flayocr, which in turn is from the Old Persian magu.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: "Necromancy" is from the Greek word nekromanteia, a com
|
||
bining of nekros ("corpse") and manteia ("divination").
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : Synecdoche is a figure of speech in which a part is used to
|
||
represent the whole, or the whole is used to represent its individ
|
||
ual parts. James' meaning is that the art of necromancy is called
|
||
|
||
|
||
70 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
necromancy, or corpse divination, because one of its principal ac
|
||
tivities is divination through the use of corpses. The name of the
|
||
part is applied to the whole.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: "From the pact." Magicians were supposed by King james
|
||
and his more credulous contemporaries to acquire their powers
|
||
by signing a pact with the Devil, who would then send them a
|
||
familiar demon to serve their needs.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: James used the term "judicial astrology" for all forms of
|
||
astrology that seek to interpret the occult or nonphysical influ
|
||
ences of the stars and planets upon human affairs. Since the sev
|
||
enteenth century, all astrology is judicial astrology in this broad
|
||
sense. James was distinguishing judicial astrology from natural
|
||
astrology, which in the sixteenth century was the observation of
|
||
the movements of the stars and planets in order to predict natural
|
||
events such as solar and lunar eclipses, and to establish the dates
|
||
of the equinoxes, solstices, and holy days such as Easter. We now
|
||
class natural astrology as a part of astronomy.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: Divine names play a central role in Western high magic.
|
||
Drawn from the Old Testament, they embody both the power
|
||
and the authority of God. The supreme name is i11i1", called by
|
||
the Greeks ''Tetragrammaton," a word that means "name of four
|
||
letters" (tetra: "four," gramma: "letter"). In the grimoires this is ei
|
||
ther found in the original Hebrew, or is written as "Tetragramma
|
||
ton." More rarely it occurs in the form "Jehovah." Other divine
|
||
names from the Bible are Adonai, Elohim, Shaddai, and Eheieh.
|
||
During the Renaissance the previously secret teachings of the
|
||
system of Jewish mysticism and magic known as the Kabbalah
|
||
became known to Europeans, and began to be employed by magi
|
||
cians. Cornelius Agrippa wrote extensively about the uses of the
|
||
Hebrew names of God in the third book of his Occult Philosophy.
|
||
In addition to divine and angelic names drawn from the Bible
|
||
and the Kabbalah, Western magic also makes use of what are
|
||
known as barbarous words of power. These are unrecognizable
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 71
|
||
|
||
|
||
words or names held to convey occult energies, even though
|
||
their meanings have been forgotten. Many of the grimoires con
|
||
tain barbarous words in their invocations. Barbarous words found
|
||
their way into the grimoires from Egypt and Greece through the
|
||
teachings of the Gnostics, and also by a simple process of cor
|
||
ruption in which names were misspelled and misread repeatedly,
|
||
until their meanings were lost. Many barbarous words of power
|
||
were originally the names of pagan gods.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: The river Styx encircles the Greek underworld, which is
|
||
ruled by Hades (Pluto to the Romans), hence Stygian habitats are
|
||
the regions of hell.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA PTE R IV
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
The description of the rudiments and school, which are the
|
||
entrances to the art of magic. And especially the dierences between
|
||
astronomy and astrology. Division of astrology into diverse parts.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But I pray you likewise, forget not to tell what are the Devil's rudi
|
||
ments.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
His rudiments, I call first in general, all that which is called vul
|
||
garly the virtue of word, herb, and stone, which is used by unlaw
|
||
ful charms, without natural causes. As likewise all kind of practices,
|
||
freits, 1 or other extraordinary actions which cannot abide the true
|
||
touch of natural reason.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
I would have you to make that plainer by some particular examples,
|
||
for your proposition is very general.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I mean either by such kind of charms as commonly daft wives use
|
||
for healing of forespoken2 goats, for preserving them from evil
|
||
eyes,3 by knitting rune-trees,4 or various kinds of herbs, to the hair
|
||
or tails of the goats; by curing the worm, by stemming of blood/
|
||
by healing of horse-crooks, by turning of the riddle,6 or doing of
|
||
|
||
|
||
73
|
||
|
||
|
||
74 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
such like innumerable things by words, without applying anything
|
||
meet to the part offended, as mediciners do; or else by stopping mar
|
||
ried folks to have naturally to do with [each] other (by knitting so
|
||
many knots7 upon a point at the time of their marriage), and such
|
||
like things, which men use to practice in their merriness.
|
||
For since unlearned men (being naturally curious, and lacking
|
||
the true knowledge of God) find these practices to prove true, as
|
||
some of them will do, by the power of the Devil for deceiving men,
|
||
and not by any inherent virtue in these vain words and freits; and
|
||
being desirous to win a reputation to themselves in suchlike turns,
|
||
they either (if they be of the shamefaced sort) seek to be taught by
|
||
some that are experienced in that art (not knowing it to be evil at the
|
||
first), or else being of the grosser sort, run directly to the Devil for
|
||
ambition or desire of gain, and plainly contract with him thereupon.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But I think these means which you call the school and rudiments of
|
||
the Devil are things lawful, and have been approved for such in all
|
||
times and ages: as especially, this science of astrology, which is one
|
||
of the special members of the mathematics.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
There are two things which the learned have observed from the
|
||
beginning, in the science of the heavenly creatures, the planets,
|
||
stars, and such like. The one is their course and ordinary motions,
|
||
which for that cause is called astronomia, which word is a compound
|
||
of nomos and astron, that is to say, the law of the stars;8 and this art
|
||
indeed is one of the members of the mathematics and not only law
|
||
ful but most necessary and commendable. The other is called astro
|
||
logia, being compounded of astron and logos, which is to say, the
|
||
word and preaching of the stars,9 which is divided into two parts:
|
||
the first by knowing thereby the powers of simples, and sicknesses,
|
||
the course of the seasons and the weather, being ruled by their influ
|
||
ence, which part depending upon the former, although it be not of
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 75
|
||
|
||
|
||
itself a part of mathematics, yet it is not unlawful, being moderately
|
||
used, though not so necessary and commendable as the former;
|
||
the second part is to trust so much to their influences, as thereby to
|
||
foretell what commonwealths shall flourish or decay, what persons
|
||
shall be fortunate or unfortunate, what side shall win in any battle,
|
||
what man shall obtain victory at singular combat, what way and
|
||
of what age shall men die, what horse shall win at match running,
|
||
and diverse suchlike incredible things, wherein Cardanus, 1° Corne
|
||
lius Agrippa, and diverse others have more curiously than profitably
|
||
written at large.
|
||
Of this root last spoken of spring innumerable branches, such
|
||
as the knowledge by the nativities, I I the chiromancy, 12 geomancy, 13
|
||
hydromancy, 14 arithmancy, 15 physiognomy, 1 6 and a thousand others,
|
||
which were much practiced and held in great reverence by the pa
|
||
gans of old. And this last part of astrology whereof I have spoken,
|
||
which is the root of their branches, was called by them pars fortu
|
||
nae. This part now is utterly unlawful to be trusted in, or practiced
|
||
amongst Christians, as leaning to no ground of natural reason, and
|
||
it is this part which I called before the Devil's school.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But yet many of the learned are of the contrary opinion.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I grant, yet I could give my reasons to fortify and maintain my opin
|
||
ion, if to enter into this disputation it would not draw me quite off
|
||
the ground of our discourse, besides the misspending of the whole
|
||
day thereupon. One word only I wi answer to them, and that in the
|
||
Scriptures (which must be an infallible ground to all true Christians),
|
||
that in the prophet Jeremiah (Jeremiah 1 0) it is plainly forbidden to
|
||
believe or harken unto them that prophesy and forespeak by the
|
||
course of the planets and stars.
|
||
|
||
|
||
76 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTE S ON BOOK I, CH APTER IV
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : A freit is an omen, augury, charm, or magical practice, espe
|
||
cially done with a religious significance. The word has no modern
|
||
equivalent. It comes from the Old Norse frett, meaning "inquiry"
|
||
or "augury."
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: In this place, James uses the term "forespoken" to mean 'be
|
||
witched." A forespoken goat is one that has had a curse muttered
|
||
over it.
|
||
|
||
Note 3: Since the time of the ancient Greeks, witches were supposed
|
||
to possess the power of the evil eye. It was thought that merely
|
||
with their glance they could cause misfortune or even death. The
|
||
effect of the evil eye was more potent when it was cast slantwise,
|
||
out of the corner of the eye, by the witch, and when it met the
|
||
gaze of the victim. It was also thought to be more virulent when
|
||
the eye of the witch was bloodshot.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: By rune-tree (or in the original, "roun-tree"), James prob
|
||
ably meant a small wooden wand incised with magic symbols,
|
||
which may or may not have been actual runes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: Spoken charms for stopping the flow of bloQd from a
|
||
wound were common, as was the application of the bloodstone
|
||
to the injured part. Bloodstone is a type of rock with red flecks in
|
||
it that resemble spots of blood, and because of this association it
|
||
was thought to have the power of staunching open wounds.
|
||
|
||
Note 6: A - - - : riddle is a type of coarse-screened sieve used to separate -- .
|
||
|
||
chaff from grain. Turning the riddle was a form of divination that
|
||
resembled somewhat the use of the dowsing wand. Two indi
|
||
viduals would support by the handles on the tips of their middle
|
||
fingers a large pair of shears. Between the opened blades of the
|
||
shears a sieve was held in such a way that it was free to revolve
|
||
under variations of pressure on its sides. The sieve moved in the
|
||
same way that the planchette of the Ouija board moves, through
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 77
|
||
|
||
|
||
minute and unconscious forces exerted by the hands of the par
|
||
ticipants. Grillot de Givry gives an explanation of the method
|
||
by Pietro d'Abano, drawn from Agrippa's Opera omnia (Collected
|
||
Works):
|
||
|
||
[T]he sieve is suspended by tongs or pincers which are sup
|
||
|
||
ported by the middle fingers of two assistants. So may be dis
|
||
|
||
covered, by the help of the demons, those who have commit
|
||
|
||
ted a crime or theft or inflicted some wound. The conjuration
|
||
|
||
consists of six words-understood neither by those who speak
|
||
|
||
them nor by others-which are Dies, Mies, Juschet, Benedoefet,
|
||
|
||
Dowima, and Enitemaus; once these are uttered they compel
|
||
|
||
the demon to cause the sieve, suspended by its pincers, to turn
|
||
|
||
the moment the name of the guilty person is pronounced (for
|
||
|
||
all the suspected persons must be named), and thus the culprit
|
||
|
||
is instantly known. (de Givry, Witchcraft, Magic and Alchemy,
|
||
|
||
page 300)
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 2
|
||
|
||
|
||
78 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: Knot magic is a form of magic believed to be especially
|
||
favored by witches. An intention was spoken through a loop of
|
||
thread as the thread was drawn tight into a knot. The belief was
|
||
that the knot captured and held the intention so that it would not
|
||
fade away, but would endure and fulfill itself. Knot magic involved
|
||
tying significant numbers of knots, such as three, or seven, or
|
||
nine, and using specific colored threads, for different purposes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 3
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 8: The word "astronomy" is from the Greek astronomia (astron:
|
||
"star," nomos: "law").
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 9: The word "astrology" is from the Greek astrologia (astron:
|
||
"star," logia: "to speak").
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 10: Girolamo Cardano (1501-1576) was an Italian mathemati
|
||
cian, astrologer, and physician. He was educated at the universities
|
||
of Pavia and Padua, where he received a degree in medicine, but
|
||
was excluded from the College of Physicians in Milan due to his
|
||
illegitimate birth. He attained celebrity as both a mathematician
|
||
and as an astrologer through his published writings, and in 1 547
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 79
|
||
|
||
|
||
was appointed professor of medicine at Pavia. In 1 5 5 1 he traveled
|
||
to Scotland to act as the medical advisor to Archbishop Hamilton
|
||
of St. Andrews, who he successfully treated for asthma. He cast
|
||
the horoscopes of important figures of the day such as Edward VI
|
||
of England and Martin Luther. So antagonistic were his feelings
|
||
about Luther, Cardano deliberately changed the time of Luther's
|
||
birth in order to make his horoscope unfavorable. In later life
|
||
Cardano's fortunes declined. He was arrested for heresy in Italy,
|
||
a charge that was dropped at the intercession of his friends, but he
|
||
was prohibited from teaching or publishing thereafter. He is best
|
||
remembered for his autobiography De Vita Propria.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 1 : A nativity is the birth chart or horoscope used in astrology
|
||
to examine and prognosticate the life of an individual.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 12: Divination by reading the lines in the palm of the hand.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 3 : Geomancy is a method of divination by means of sixteen
|
||
geomantic figures. Each figure is made up of four rows, each row
|
||
containing either one dot or two dots. They are somewhat simi
|
||
lar to the figures of the Chinese method of divination known as
|
||
the I Ching, save that the I Ching hexagrams consist of six rows,
|
||
not four, and each row is composed of either a broken or solid
|
||
line, rather than two or one dots. Selection of the geomantic
|
||
figures to be included in a divination is accomplished by poking
|
||
random number of holes in lines along the ground with a stick,
|
||
then counting the number of holes in each line to see whether it
|
||
is even or odd. An even number produces a row in a geomantic
|
||
figure with two dots, an odd number a row with one dot. Sixteen
|
||
horizontal lines of holes are poked one above the other in the
|
||
ground, and when reduced to even or odd summation, yield four
|
||
geomantic figures to take part in the divination. It is this method
|
||
of deriving the figures from holes poked in the ground that is re
|
||
sponsible for the name "geomancy," which means "earth divina
|
||
tion" (geo: "earth," manteia: "divination"). There are other forms
|
||
|
||
|
||
So DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
of geomancy, but it is likely that James refers to divination by the
|
||
sixteen geomantic figures, which were quite popular in his time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 14: Hydromancy is divination by water. The method james
|
||
probably had in mind was that thought to have been used by Nos
|
||
tradamus, which involves gazing into a basin of water in order to
|
||
see visions, in a way similar to crystal gazing.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 5 : Arithmancy is what we would today call numerology-div
|
||
ination by interpreting numerical values associated with the let
|
||
ters in a person's name.
|
||
|
||
Note 1 6 : Physiognomy is divination by interpreting the lines and
|
||
other features in the face, and is similar in its general principles to
|
||
palmistry.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA PTE R V
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
How far the using of charms is lawful or unlawful. The description
|
||
of the forms of circles and conjurations. And what causes the
|
||
magicians themselves to weary thereof
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Well, you have said far enough in that argument. But how prove you
|
||
now that these charms or unnatural practices are unlawful? For so
|
||
many honest and merry men and women have publicly practiced
|
||
some of them, that I think if you would accuse them all of witch
|
||
craft, you would affirm more than you will be believed in.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
I see if you had taken good attention (to the nature of that word,
|
||
whereby I name it) you would not have been in this doubt, nor mis
|
||
take me, so far as you have done. For although, as none can be schol
|
||
ars in a school and not be subject to the master thereof, so none
|
||
can study and put in practice (for the study alone, and knowledge, is
|
||
more perilous than offensive; and it is the practice only that makes
|
||
the greatness of the offence) the circles and art of magic, without
|
||
committing a horrible defection from God. 1 And yet, as they that
|
||
read and learn their rudiments are not the more subject to any
|
||
school master, if it please not their parents to put them to the school
|
||
thereafter, so they who ignorantly prove these practices, which I call
|
||
the Devil's rudiments, unknowing them to be baits cast out by him
|
||
|
||
|
||
S r
|
||
|
||
|
||
82 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
for trapping such as God will permit to fall into his hands, this kind
|
||
of folk I say, no doubt, are to be judged the best of, in respect they
|
||
use no invocation nor help of him (by their knowledge at least) in
|
||
these turns, and so have never entered themselves into Satan's ser
|
||
vice. Yet to speak truly for my own part (I speak but for myself), I
|
||
desire not to make so near riding, for in my opinion our enemy is
|
||
over-crafty, and we over-weak (except the greater grace of God) to
|
||
assay such hazards where he presses to trap us.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
You have reason indeed, for as the common proverb says: They that
|
||
sup kettle with the Devil have need of long spoons. But now I pray
|
||
you, go forward in the describing of this art of magic.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
After they be come once unto this perfection in evil, in having any
|
||
knowledge (whether learned or unlearned) of this black art, they
|
||
then begin to be weary of the raising of their Master by conjured
|
||
circles, being both so difficult and perilous, and so come plainly to
|
||
contract with him, wherein is specially contained forms and effects.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But I pray you before ever you go further, discourse [with] me some
|
||
what of their circles and conjurations, and what should be the cause
|
||
of their wearying thereof, for it should seem that that form should
|
||
be less fearful yet, than the direct haunting and society with that foul
|
||
and unclean spirit.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I think you take me to be a witch myself, or at the least would fain
|
||
swear yourself apprentice to that craft. All ways, as I may, I shall
|
||
shortly satisfy you in that kind of conjurations which are contained
|
||
in such books which I call the Devil's school. There are four princi
|
||
pal parts: the persons of the conjurers, the action of conjuration, the
|
||
words and rites used to that effect, and the spirits that are conjured.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 83
|
||
|
||
|
||
You must first remember to lay the ground, that I told you be
|
||
fore; which is, that it is no power inherent in the circles, or in the
|
||
holiness of the names of God blasphemously used, nor in what
|
||
soever rites or ceremonies at that time used, that either can raise
|
||
any infernal spirit or yet limit him perforce within or without these
|
||
circles. For it is he only, the father of all lies, who having first of all
|
||
prescribed that form of doing, feigning himself to be commanded
|
||
and restrained thereby, will be loath to pass the bounds of these in
|
||
junctions; as well thereby to make them glory in the empiring over
|
||
him (as I said before), as likewise to make himself so to be trusted in
|
||
these little things, that he may have the better commodity thereafter,
|
||
to deceive them in the end with a trick once and for all, I mean the
|
||
everlasting perdition of their soul and body.
|
||
Then, laying this ground, as I have said, these conjurations must
|
||
have few or more in number of the persons, conjurers (always pass
|
||
ing the singular number)2 according to the quality of the circle, and
|
||
form of apparition. Two principal things cannot well in that errand
|
||
be wanted: holy water (whereby the Devil mocks the Papists) and
|
||
some present of a living thing unto him.3 There are likewise cer
|
||
tain seasons, days, and hours, that they observe in this purpose.4
|
||
These things being all ready, and prepared, circles are made trian
|
||
gular, quadrangular, round, double, or single, according to the form
|
||
of apparition that they crave.5 But to speak of the diverse forms of
|
||
the circles, of the innumerable characters and crosses that are within
|
||
and without, and throughout the same, of the diverse forms of ap
|
||
paritions that that crafty spirit deludes them with, and of all such
|
||
particulars in that action, I remit it to overmany that have busied
|
||
their heads in describing of the same, as being but curious, and alto
|
||
gether unprofitable.
|
||
And this far only I touch, that when the conjured spirit appears,
|
||
which will not be until after many circumstances, long prayers, and
|
||
much muttering and murmuring of the conjurors, like a Papist
|
||
priest dispatching a hunting Mass; how soon, I say, he appears, if
|
||
|
||
|
||
84 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
they have missed one iota of all their rites, or if any of their feet
|
||
once slide over the circle through terror of his fearful apparition, he
|
||
pays himself at that time in his own hand, of that due debt which
|
||
they own him; and otherwise would have delayed longer to have
|
||
paid him.6 I mean he carries them with him body and soul. If this be
|
||
not now a just cause to make them weary of these forms of conju
|
||
ration, I leave it to you to judge upon; considering the longness of
|
||
the labor, the precise keeping of days and hours (as I have said), the
|
||
terribleness of apparition, and the present peril that they stand in, in
|
||
missing the least circumstance or freit that they ought to observe.
|
||
And on the other part, the Devil is glad to move them to a plain and
|
||
square dealing with him, as I said before.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK I, CH APTER V
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : This is an important point. Someone like Cornelius Agrippa
|
||
or John Dee could publicly proclaim themselves well versed in the
|
||
techniques of necromancy or natural magic, and could even pub
|
||
lish books on the subject, without placing themselves at risk of
|
||
legal prosecution, provided they could prove that they had never
|
||
put their knowledge into practice. A danger always existed for
|
||
those who studied magic that their friends or neighbors would
|
||
accuse them of actually working it.
|
||
When John Dee was accused of being a magician during the
|
||
reign of James the First, he was eager to force a trial so that he
|
||
could prove his innocence and regain his reputation. On June 5,
|
||
1 604, just four days before the witchcraft statute of James was
|
||
passed into law by the English Parliament, Dee sent James a pe
|
||
tition in which he demanded that the king should "cause your
|
||
Highnesse said servant to be tryed and cleared of that horrible
|
||
and damnable, and to him most grievous and dammageable
|
||
sclaunder, generally, and for these many yeares last past, in this
|
||
kingdom raysed and continued, by report and Print against him,
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 85
|
||
|
||
|
||
namely that he is or hath bin a conjurer or caller or invocator of
|
||
divels" (Smith,john Dee: 1527-1608, page 293).
|
||
In 1 592 Dee had been called in print "the conjuror of the
|
||
Queen's Privy Council." This still rankled with Dee, but presum
|
||
ably more recent gossip had impelled his petition to James. Dee's
|
||
audacity is quite breathtaking, since his own records of the com
|
||
munications he had years before conducted with a hierarchy of
|
||
spirits identifying themselves as the angels who had instructed
|
||
Enoch in a system of heavenly magic were evidence enough to
|
||
have had him hanged a thousands times. However, Dee's hand
|
||
written transcripts of the angelic communications were kept
|
||
carefully hidden by Dee, and did not come to light until after his
|
||
death.
|
||
Dee's petition was ignored. It may be that James saw noth
|
||
ing to be gained by putting on public trial one of the favorites of
|
||
Queen Elizabeth. Dee lived out the last years of his life widely
|
||
regarded as a magician, which, indeed, he was, and thoroughly
|
||
detested by James, who remained convinced that the gossip
|
||
about Dee was true. James refused to give Dee any financial aid
|
||
when he was in dire need, and there is no question that he would
|
||
have liked nothing better than to have watched Dee hanged as a
|
||
witch. Perhaps he respected Dee's legal knowledge and oratorical
|
||
skills enough to suspect that an accusation of witchcraft might
|
||
fail against him, or perhaps Dee had a friend or two left. In any
|
||
event, no formal accusation was ever made against him.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: It is sometimes specified in the grimoires that the magician
|
||
should have an assistant or assistants, though there is no obvious
|
||
reason for this directive.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : james meant the blood sacrifice of a beast. Animal sacri
|
||
fice is mentioned in some of the grimoires, either directly or in
|
||
directly. For example, in the most celebrated of all the grimoires,
|
||
the Key of Solomon, the directions concerning animal sacrifice
|
||
read:
|
||
|
||
|
||
86 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
In many operations it is necessary to make some sort of sac
|
||
|
||
rifice unto the Demons, and in various ways. Sometimes white
|
||
|
||
animals are sacrificed to the good Spirits, and black to the evil.
|
||
|
||
Such sacrifices consist of the blood and sometimes of the flesh.
|
||
|
||
They who sacrifice animals, or whatsoever kind they be,
|
||
|
||
should select those which are virgin, as being more agreeable
|
||
|
||
unto the Spirits, and rendering them more obedient.
|
||
|
||
When blood is to be sacrificed it should be drawn also from
|
||
|
||
virgin quadrupeds or birds, but before offering the oblation, say:
|
||
|
||
May this Sacrifice which we find it proper to offer unto ye,
|
||
|
||
noble and lofty Beings, be agreeable and pleasing unto your de
|
||
|
||
sires; be ye ready to obey us, and ye shall receive greater ones.
|
||
|
||
(Mathers, The Key of Solomon the King, page 1 19).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: This was known as the observation of times, and was ex
|
||
pressly forbidden in the Old Testament. In Leviticus is written:
|
||
"Ye shall not eat any thing with the blood; neither shall ye use
|
||
enchantment, nor observe times" (Leviticus 1 9:26). In Deuter
|
||
onomy we read: "There shall not be found among you any one
|
||
that maketh his son or his daughter to pass through the fire, or
|
||
that useth divination, or an observer of times, or an enchanter,
|
||
or a witch . . . . For these nations, which thou shalt possess, har
|
||
kened unto observers of times, and unto diviners: but as for thee,
|
||
the Lord thy God has not suffered thee to do so" (Deuteronomy
|
||
18:10, 14). Operations in ritual magic were believed only to be ef
|
||
fective when done under auspicious aspects of the stars and plan
|
||
ets, and in the hours dedicated to spirits helpful to the work. It
|
||
was generally held that if rituals were performed at the wrong
|
||
time, they would fail.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 87
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 4
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5 : Evil spirits considered dangerous to deal with were called
|
||
forth to visible appearance into a triangle, while the magician and
|
||
his assistants stood within the protective circle, or circles. Beside
|
||
a picture of such a triangle, the text of the Goetia reads: "This is
|
||
the Form of the Magical Triangle, into the which Solomon did
|
||
command the Evil Spirits. It is to be made at 2 feet distance from
|
||
the Magical Circle and it is 3 feet across. Note that this triangle is
|
||
to be placed toward that quarter whereunto the Spirit belongeth.
|
||
And the base of the triangle is to be nearest unto the Circle, the
|
||
apex pointing in the direction of the quarter of the Spirit. Ob
|
||
serve thou also the Moon in thy working" (Mathers, Goetia, pages
|
||
71-72). The image in Mathers' book shows an equilateral triangle
|
||
with a circle inside it, the letters of the angelic name Michael writ
|
||
ten in its three points ("Mi-cha-el") . Outside and along its base is
|
||
|
||
|
||
88 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
written the word of power "Primeumaton," outside and along its
|
||
left side the word and outside and along its right
|
||
side the word "Tetragrammaton."
|
||
Although the triangle of evocation lies flat on the floor, it is to
|
||
be conceived as upright upon the air, and as actively revolving so
|
||
that it creates a vortex shaped like an inverted tornado. The spirit
|
||
is induced to come into being within the triangle through the
|
||
point at the apex of this vortex. These matters were not spelled
|
||
out in the texts of the grimoires, but were details transmitted
|
||
from teacher to student, as indeed they still are today. The refer
|
||
ence in the Goetia to observing the Moon in the working is an
|
||
example of the observation of times. The waning phase of the
|
||
Moon is most appropriate for the evocation of evil spirits.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: The fanciful tale is told of the student of Cornelius Agrippa
|
||
who, one day when his master was away from home, took out
|
||
Agrippa's book of conjuration and summoned a demon. The
|
||
demon demanded of the student why he had been summoned,
|
||
and when the terrified youth was too overcome with dread to
|
||
respond, the demon immediately killed him. Upon returning
|
||
home, Agrippa was confronted with his corpse, which the magi
|
||
cian was forced to spirit away by magic lest he be implicated in
|
||
the student's death. It need hardly be added that this story has
|
||
not one shred of truth in it. However, it does illustrate the belief
|
||
that to step outside the magic circle during evocation, or to make
|
||
an error in the words spoken or procedures enacted, was to risk
|
||
death at the hands of the thing called. This belief is still held by
|
||
many practitioners of high magic in modern times.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P T E R V I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
The Devil's contract with the magicians. The division thereof in two
|
||
parts. What the dirence is between God's miracles and the Devil 's.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Indeed there is cause enough, but rather to leave him at all, than to
|
||
run more plainly to him, if they were wise he dealt with. But go for
|
||
ward now I pray you to these turns, until they become once deacons
|
||
in this craft.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
From the time that they once plainly begin to contract with him, the
|
||
effect of their contract consists of two things; in forms and effects, as
|
||
I began to tell already, were it not you interrupted me (for although
|
||
the contract be mutual, I speak first of that part wherein the Devil
|
||
obliges himself to them). By forms, I mean in what shape or fashion
|
||
he shall come unto them, when they call upon him. And by effects,
|
||
I understand, in what special sorts of services he binds himself to be
|
||
subject unto them.
|
||
The quality of these forms and effects is less or greater, accord
|
||
ing to the skill and art of the magician. 1 For as to the forms, to some
|
||
of the baser sort of them he obliges himself to appear at their call
|
||
ing upon him, by such a proper name which he shows unto them, 2
|
||
either in the likeness of a dog, a cat, an ape, or suchlike other beast;
|
||
or else to answer by a voice only. The effects are to answer to such
|
||
|
||
|
||
90 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
demands, as concerns curing of diseases, their own particular house
|
||
work, or such other base things as they require of him.
|
||
But to the most curious sort, in the forms he will oblige himself
|
||
to enter in a dead body, and there out of, to give such answers of
|
||
the event of battles, of matters concerning the estate of common
|
||
wealths, and such like other great questions;3 yea, to some he will be
|
||
a continual attender, in the form of a page;4 he will permit himself
|
||
to be conjured, for the space of so many years, either in a table5 or
|
||
a ring, 6 or suchlike thing, which they may easily carry about with
|
||
them. He gives them power to sell such wares to others, whereof
|
||
some will be dearer, and some better cheaper, according to the lying
|
||
or true speaking of the spirit that is conjured therein.
|
||
Not but that in very deed, all devils must be liars, but so they
|
||
abuse the simplicity of these wretches, that become their scholars,
|
||
that they make them believe that at the fall of Lucifer, some spir
|
||
its fell in the air, some in the fire, some in the water, some in the
|
||
land; in which elements they still remain. 7 Whereupon they build,
|
||
that such as fell in the fire, or in the air, are truer than they who fell
|
||
in the water or in the land; which is all but mere gossips, and forged
|
||
by the author of all deceit. For they fell not by weight, as a solid
|
||
substance, to stick in any one part; but the principal part of their fall,
|
||
consisting in quality, by the falling from the grace of God wherein
|
||
they were created, they continued still thereafter, and shall do until
|
||
the latter day, in wandering through the world, as God's hangmen,
|
||
to execute such turns as he employs them in. And when any of them
|
||
are not occupied in that, return they must to their prison in hell (as it
|
||
is plain in the miracle that Christ wrought at Gennesaret (Matthew
|
||
8)), therein at the latter day to be all enclosed forever.
|
||
And as they deceive their scholars in this, so do they in imprint
|
||
ing in them the opinion that there are so many princes, dukes, and
|
||
kings among them, every one commanding fewer or more legions,
|
||
and empiring in diverse arts, and quarters of the earth.8 For though
|
||
that I will not deny that there be a form of order among the angels
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 9I
|
||
|
||
|
||
in heaven, and consequently, was among them before their fall, yet
|
||
|
||
either that they brook the same since then, or that God will permit
|
||
us to know by damned devils such heavenly mysteries of his, which
|
||
he would not reveal to us neither by Scripture nor prophets, I think
|
||
no Christian will once think it. But to the contrary, of all such mys
|
||
teries as he hath closed up with his seal of secrecy, it becomes us to
|
||
be contented with a humble ignorance, they being things not neces
|
||
sary for our salvation.
|
||
But to return to the purpose, as these forms wherein Satan
|
||
obliges himself to the greatest of the magicians are wonderful cu
|
||
rious, so are the effects correspondent unto the same. For he will
|
||
oblige himself to teach them arts and sciences, which he may easily
|
||
do, being so learned a knave as he is; to carry them news from any
|
||
part of the world, which the agility of a spirit may easily perform;
|
||
to reveal to them the secrets of any persons, so being they be once
|
||
spoken: for the thought, none knows but God, except so far as you
|
||
may guess by their countenance, as one who is doubtlessly learned
|
||
enough in the physiognomy. Yea, he will make his scholars to creep
|
||
in credit with princes, by foretelling them many great things, part
|
||
true, part false, for if all were false he would lose credit at all hands;
|
||
but always doubtsome, as his oracles were. For no man doubts but
|
||
he is a thief, and his agility (as I spoke before) makes him to come
|
||
|
||
[with] such speed.
|
||
Likewise, he will guard his scholars with fair armies of horsemen
|
||
and footmen in appearance, castles and forts: which are all but impres
|
||
sions in the air, easily gathered by a spirit drawing so near to that sub
|
||
stance himself. As in like manner he will learn them many jugglery9
|
||
tricks at cards, dice, and suchlike, to deceive men's senses thereby; and
|
||
in such innumerable false practices, which are proven by overmany
|
||
in this age, as they who are acquainted with that Italian called Scoto,
|
||
yet living, can report. And yet are all these things but deluding of
|
||
the senses, and nowise true in substance, as were the false miracles
|
||
wrought by King Pharaoh's magicians, for counterfeiting Moses's. For
|
||
|
||
|
||
92 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
this is the difference between God's miracles and the Devil's: God is
|
||
a creator, what he makes appear in miracle, it is so in effect, as Mo
|
||
ses's rod being cast down, was no doubt turned into a natural serpent;
|
||
whereas the Devil (as God's ape) counterfeiting that by his magicians,
|
||
made their wands to appear so, only to men's outward senses, as
|
||
shown in effect by their being devoured by the other. For it is no won
|
||
der that the Devil may delude our senses, since we see by common
|
||
proof, that simple jugglers will make a hundred things seem both to
|
||
our eyes and ears otherwise than they are.
|
||
Now as to the magician's part of the contract, it is in a word that
|
||
thing which, I said before, the Devil hunts for in all men.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
Surely you have said much to me in this art, if all that you have said
|
||
be as true as wonderful.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
For the truth in these actions, it will be easily confirmed to any that
|
||
pleases to take pains upon the reading of diverse authentic histo
|
||
ries, and the inquiring of daily experiences. And as for the truth of
|
||
their possibility, that they may be, and in what manner, I trust I have
|
||
alleged nothing whereunto I have not joined such probable reasons,
|
||
as I leave to your discretion, to weigh and consider. One word only
|
||
I omitted, concerning the form of making of this contract, which is
|
||
either written with the magician's own blood, 10 or else being agreed
|
||
upon (in terms) his school master touches him in some part, though
|
||
1 1
|
||
peradventure no mark remains, as it does with all witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTE S T O BOOK I, CH APTER VI
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : Spirits of greater power and authority assume shapes that
|
||
are more refined and complex, whereas spirits of lesser power
|
||
take on the shapes of simpler and lower forms of life. For ex
|
||
ample, in the Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy the particular forms
|
||
of the spirits of Saturday are listed as a bearded king riding on
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 93
|
||
|
||
|
||
a dragon, an old man with a beard, an old woman leaning on a
|
||
staff, a hog, a dragon, an owl, a black garment, a hook or sickle,
|
||
and a juniper tree (Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy, page 43). The
|
||
more skilled the magician, the more potent the spirits he is able
|
||
to summon and employ, and the more refined and complete their
|
||
manifestation.
|
||
Francis Barrett commented in a footnote concerning the
|
||
forms of the spirits of Saturday: "Those spirits who appear in a
|
||
kingly form have a much higher dignity than them who take an
|
||
inferior shape; and those who appear in a human shape, exceed
|
||
in authority and power them that come as animals; and again,
|
||
these latter surpass in dignity them who appear as trees or in
|
||
struments, and the like: so that you are to judge of the power,
|
||
government, and authority of spirits by their assuming a more
|
||
noble and dignified apparition" (Barrett, The Magus, Bk II, Part
|
||
III, page 1 27).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 5
|
||
|
||
|
||
94 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: The first act of a magician after making contact with a spirit
|
||
is to demand of the spirit its true name, by which it may be sum
|
||
moned and controlled. Lower spirits are reluctant to divulge their
|
||
names, but may be compelled to do so by the authority of the
|
||
names of God or the names of the angels that rule over them.
|
||
This is why the purity of the magician is so often stressed in the
|
||
grimoires. In order to use a name of God or a name of an angel
|
||
to command a lower spirit that has been evoked, it is necessary
|
||
for the magician to invoke that aspect of God, or that angel, into
|
||
himself, so that he becomes the vessel of God or the angel. Only
|
||
then can he speak with the power and authority of the holy name
|
||
to command the lower spirit to reveal its true identity. Once the
|
||
name of the lower spirit is known, it can be effectively used to
|
||
command the spirit to appear and do whatever work the magi
|
||
cian requires of it.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3: This is the primary activity of necromancy. john Dee's crys
|
||
tal scryer, the alchemist Edward Kelley, is reputed to have exhumed
|
||
the corpse of a pauper from his grave in the churchyard of Wal
|
||
ton-le-Dale, near Preston in Lancashire, with the help of a friend
|
||
named Peter Waring. This was done at the request of a young man
|
||
of wealth and social position, who wished Kelley to animate the
|
||
corpse with necromantic magic and compel it to reveal the young
|
||
man's term of life and future prospects. The success or failure of
|
||
the effort has not been recorded, but in my opinion the story itself
|
||
is very likely true. This instance of graverobbing took place before
|
||
Kelley entered into Dee's employ, and it is probable that Dee never
|
||
knew anything about it. Contrary to some reports, Dee was not
|
||
present at the time, since he and Kelley had yet to meet. Dee met
|
||
Kelley in the spring of 1 582. Kelley's experiment in necromancy
|
||
may have occurred around 1 580. Under the witchcraft statute of
|
||
Elizabeth in force at the time, he would not have been subject to
|
||
the death penalty for his crime, only a year in prison for a first of
|
||
fense, but under the statute of 1604 brought in by James he would
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 95
|
||
|
||
|
||
theoretically have faced hanging, although in actuality no one was
|
||
ever executed in England solely for digging up a corpse and using it
|
||
in works of magic.
|
||
|
||
Note 4: The Devil was supposed to appoint a demon to act as a fa
|
||
miliar to a magician with whom he had signed a pact. The most
|
||
famous example is that of Mephistopheles, the familiar serving
|
||
demon of the magician Faust. The relationship between Faust
|
||
and his familiar is examined in the play The Tragical History of Doc
|
||
tor Faustus by Christopher Marlowe, and the play Faust by Johann
|
||
Wolfgang von Goethe.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5 : The summoning of spirits into tables played a key part in
|
||
the spiritualist movement of the nineteenth century. Spirits of the
|
||
dead were supposed to enter into the table around which the me
|
||
dium and her clients were seated, then to respond to questions ei
|
||
ther with a series of raps from within the table, or by moving, lift
|
||
ing, or tipping the table so that its legs banged alternately against
|
||
the floor.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: Magicians commonly possessed rings containing familiar
|
||
spirits. For example, the Greek sage Apollonius of Tyana was
|
||
presented as a gift a set of seven rings containing spirits by the
|
||
leader of the Brahmans of India. His biographer Philostratus
|
||
wrote: "And Damis says that Iarchas gave seven rings to Apollo
|
||
nius named after the seven stars, and that Apollonius wore each
|
||
of these in turn on the day of the week which bore its name"
|
||
(Philostratus, Life of Apollonius, Bk III, Ch. XLI). A ring has the
|
||
advantage of being always on the person of the magician, allow
|
||
ing instant access to the familiar spirit when its services may be
|
||
required.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: James refers to the elemental spirits of Paracelsus, the Sala
|
||
manders of Fire, the Sylphs of Air, the Undines of Water, and the
|
||
Gnomes of Earth. Since the elements Fire and Air tend to rise
|
||
upward, their spirits might be considered more spiritual, but since
|
||
|
||
|
||
96 DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Water and Earth tend to fall downward, their spirits might be
|
||
viewed as more earthy. The notion that spirits are divided into the
|
||
elements is quite old. It occurs in the Key of Solomon, but in a less
|
||
orderly form than that established by Paracelsus:
|
||
|
||
|
||
For when thou shalt have conjured any Spirits in any art or
|
||
|
||
experiment, they will not come when the air is troubled or agi
|
||
|
||
tated by winds, seeing that Spirits have neither flesh nor bones,
|
||
|
||
and are created of different substances.
|
||
|
||
Some are created from Water.
|
||
|
||
Others from Wind, unto which they are like.
|
||
|
||
Some from Earth.
|
||
|
||
Some from Clouds.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Others from Solar Vapours.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Others from the keenness and strength of Fire; and when
|
||
|
||
they are invoked or summoned, they come always with great
|
||
|
||
noise, and with the terrible nature of fire. (Mathers, Key of Solo
|
||
|
||
mon the King, page 82).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 8: The seventy-two infernal demons of the Goetia are each
|
||
given a rank and a certain number of legions of spirits under their
|
||
command. For example, the demon Foras is called a mighty Presi
|
||
dent, and said to rule twenty-nine legions of spirits; Asmoday is
|
||
said to be a great King, and to rule seventy-two legions. These
|
||
seventy-two demons are in turn ruled by four demon kings, each
|
||
presiding over one of the four quarters of the world: Amaymon
|
||
rules the east, Corson the west, Zimimay the north, Goap the
|
||
south (Mathers, The Goetia, page 67).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 9: jugglery was what we would today call stage magic, or
|
||
slight of hand.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 10: Written pacts signed by magicians and various demons ac
|
||
tually exist. For example, one of the contracts found in the pos
|
||
session of Urbain Grandier, the priest of Loudoun, was written in
|
||
blood, presumably his own, and reads in French:
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 97
|
||
|
||
|
||
My Lord and Master, I own you for my God; I promise to
|
||
|
||
serve you while I live, and from this hour I renounce all other
|
||
|
||
gods and jesus Christ and Mary and all the Saints of Heaven
|
||
|
||
and the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church, and all the
|
||
|
||
goodwill thereof and the prayers which might be made for me.
|
||
|
||
I promise to adore you and do you homage at least three times
|
||
|
||
a day and to do the most evil that I can and to lead into evil as
|
||
|
||
many persons as shall be possible to me, and heartily I renounce
|
||
|
||
the Chrism, Baptism, and all the merits of jesus Christ; and, in
|
||
|
||
case I should desire to change, I give you my body and soul, and
|
||
|
||
my life as holding it from you, having dedicated it for ever with
|
||
|
||
out any will to repent. Signed Urbain Grandier in his blood. (de
|
||
|
||
Givry, Witchcraft, Magic and Alchemy, pages 1 1 8-1 19).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Grandier was accused by the nuns at the Ursuline convent at
|
||
Loudun of causing them to become possessed by demons. He
|
||
was tortured by Capuchin monks, but refused to confess, and
|
||
was burned alive on August 1 8, 1634, "together with all compacts
|
||
and magical apparatus used by him" (Robbins, Encyclopedia of
|
||
Witchcraft and Demonology, page 3 1 5). Apparently some of his de
|
||
monic contracts escaped the fire. Another document of Urbain
|
||
Grandier is written in mirror script, and shows the highly distinc
|
||
tive signatures of six demons: Lucifer, Beelzebub, Satan, Elimi,
|
||
Leviathan, and Astaroth. Each signature is completely different
|
||
in style from all the others. Leviathan used a particularly heavy
|
||
hand with his pen, which is perhaps to be expected (Seligmann,
|
||
The History of Magic, page 242).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 1 : Because the mark of the pact supposed to be impressed on
|
||
magicians was not visible, they were not subject to pricking, as
|
||
were witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA PTER V I I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
The reason why the art of magic is unlawfUl.
|
||
What punishment it merits, and who may be accounted
|
||
guilty of that crime.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Surely you have made this art to appear very monstrous and detest
|
||
able. But what, I pray you, shall be said to such as maintain this art
|
||
to be lawful, for as evil as you have made it?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
I say they savor of the pan themselves, or at least little better; and yet
|
||
|
||
I would be glad to hear their reasons.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
There are two principally, that ever I heard used, beside that which
|
||
is founded upon the common proverb (that the necromancers
|
||
command the Devil, which you have already refuted). The one is
|
||
grounded upon a received custom, the other upon an authority
|
||
which some think infallible. Upon custom, we see that diverse Chris
|
||
tian princes and magistrates, severe punishers of witches, will not
|
||
only overlook magicians living within their dominions, but even
|
||
sometimes delight to see them prove some of their practices. The
|
||
other reason is, that Moses being brought up (as it is expressly said
|
||
in the Scriptures) in all the sciences of the Egyptians, 1 whereof no
|
||
|
||
|
||
99
|
||
|
||
|
||
IOO DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
doubt this was one of the principals, and he not withstanding of this
|
||
art, pleasing God, as he did, consequently that art professed by so
|
||
godly a man could not be unlawful.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
As to the first of your reasons, grounded upon custom, I say, an
|
||
evil custom can never be accepted for a good law, for the over-great
|
||
ignorance of the word in some princes and magistrates, and the
|
||
contempt thereof in others, moves them to sin heavily against their
|
||
office in that point. As to the other reason, which seems to be of
|
||
greater weight, if it were formed in a syllogism, it behooves to be in
|
||
many terms and full of fallacies (to speak in terms of logic).
|
||
For first, that that general proposition affirming Moses to be
|
||
taught in all the sciences of the Egyptians, should [give cause to]
|
||
conclude that he was taught in magic, I see no necessity. For we
|
||
must understand that the spirit of God there, speaking of sciences,
|
||
understands them that are lawful; for except they be lawful, they are
|
||
but abusively called sciences, and are but ignorances indeed: nam
|
||
homo pictus, non est homo.2
|
||
Secondly, giving that he had been taught in it, there is great dif
|
||
ference between knowledge and practicing of a thing (as I said be
|
||
fore), for God knows all things, being always good; and of our sin
|
||
and our infirmity proceeds our ignorance.
|
||
Thirdly, giving that he had both studied and practiced the same
|
||
(which is no less than monstrous to be believed by any Christian), yet
|
||
we know well enough that before that ever the spirit of God began
|
||
to call Moses, he was fled out of Egypt, being forty years of age,
|
||
due to the slaughter of an Egyptian; and in his good father Jethro's
|
||
land, first called at the fiery bush, having remained there another
|
||
forty years in exile: so that suppose he had been the wickedest man
|
||
in the world before, he then became a changed and regenerate man,
|
||
and very little of the old Moses remained in him. Abraham was an
|
||
idolater in Ur of the Chaldeans before he was called, and Paul, being
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE FIRST BOOK 101
|
||
|
||
|
||
called Saul, was a most sharp persecutor of the saints of God, before
|
||
that name was changed.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
What punishment then think you merits these magicians and necro
|
||
mancers?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
The like, no doubt, that sorcerers and witches merit; and rather so
|
||
much greater, as their error proceeds of the greater knowledge, and
|
||
so draws nearer to the sin against the Holy Ghost.3 And as I say of
|
||
them, so say I the like of all such as consult, enquire, entertain, and
|
||
oversee them, which is seen by the miserable ends of many that ask
|
||
counsel of them: for the Devil has never better tidings to tell of any,
|
||
than he told to Saul; neither is it lawful to use so unlawful instru
|
||
ments, were it never for so good a purpose, for that axiom in theol
|
||
ogy is most certain and infallible: nunquam faciendum est malum ut
|
||
bonum inde eveniat 4 [marginal gloss: Ast 3.].
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTE S TO BOOK I, CH APTER VII
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : Acts 7:22, which reads, "And Moses was learned in all the
|
||
wisdom of the Egyptians, and was mighty in words and in deeds."
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: "For man embellished is not man."
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : The point made by James is that magicians and necroman
|
||
cers, being better educated than sorcerers and witches, are more
|
||
likely to commit the second branch of the sin against the Holy
|
||
Ghost defined in Chapter II: a falling back from the whole service
|
||
of God and a refusal of all his precepts, with full knowledge that
|
||
it is a sin.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: "Evil is never to be done so that therefrom good will hap
|
||
pen." This popular saying had its origin in Romans 3 :8.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### TH E S E CON D B O OK
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
The description of sorcery and witchcraft in particular.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P T E R I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
Proved by the Scripture, that such a thing can be. And the reasons
|
||
refuted of all such as would call it but an imagination
|
||
and melancholy humor.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Now, since you have satisfied me now so fully concerning magic or
|
||
necromancy, I will pray you to do the like in sorcery or witchcraft.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
That field is likewise very large; and although in the mouths and
|
||
pens of many, yet few know the truth thereof so well as they believe
|
||
themselves, as I shall so briefly as I can make you (God willing) as
|
||
easily to perceive.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But I pray you before you go further, let me interrupt you here with
|
||
a short digression, which is, that many can scarcely believe that there
|
||
is such a thing as witchcraft. Whose reasons I will briefly allege unto
|
||
you, that you may satisfy me as well in that as you have done in the
|
||
rest.
|
||
For first, whereas the Scripture seems to prove witchcraft to be,
|
||
by diverse examples, and specially by sundry of the same which you
|
||
have alleged, it is thought by some that these places speak of magi
|
||
cians and necromancers only, and not of witches. As in special, these
|
||
|
||
|
||
105
|
||
|
||
|
||
I06 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
wise men of Pharaoh's that counterfeited Moses's miracles were
|
||
magicians, say they, and not witches; as likewise that Pythoness that
|
||
Saul consulted with; and so was Simon Magus in the New Testa
|
||
ment, as that very styling imports.1
|
||
Secondly, where you would oppose the daily practice and confes
|
||
sion of so many, that is thought likewise to be but very melancholy
|
||
imaginations of simple raving creatures.
|
||
Thirdly, if witches have such power of witching of folks to death
|
||
(as they say they have), there had been none left alive long since in
|
||
the world but they; at least, no good or godly person of whatsoever
|
||
estate could have escaped their devilry.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Your three reasons, as I take, are grounded the first of them upon
|
||
Scripture; the second affirmative upon physic; and the third upon
|
||
the certain proof of existence.
|
||
As to your first, it is most true, indeed, that all these wise men
|
||
of Pharaoh were magicians of art; as likewise it appears well that
|
||
the Pythoness with whom Saul consulted was of that same profes
|
||
sion; and so was Simon Magus. But you omitted to speak of the law
|
||
of God wherein are all magicians, diviners, enchanters, sorcerers,
|
||
witches, and whatsoever of that kind that consult with the Devil,
|
||
plainly prohibited, and alike threatened against. 2 And besides that,
|
||
she who had the spirit of the Python in the Acts, whose spirit was
|
||
put to silence by the apostle (Acts 1 6), could be no other thing but
|
||
a very sorcerer or witch, if you admit the vulgar distinction to be in
|
||
a manner true, whereof I spoke in the beginning of our conference.
|
||
For that spirit whereby she acquired such gain to her master was not
|
||
at her raising or commanding, as she pleased to appoint, but spoke
|
||
by her tongue, as well publicly as privately; whereby she seemed to
|
||
draw nearer to the sort of demoniacs or possessed, if that conjunc
|
||
tion between them had not been of her own consent, as it appeared
|
||
by her not being tormented therewith, and by her acquiring of such
|
||
gain to her masters (as I have already said).3
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK !07
|
||
|
||
|
||
As to your second reason, grounded upon physic, in attributing
|
||
their confessions of apprehensions to a natural melancholic humor,
|
||
any that please medically to consider upon the natural humor of
|
||
melancholy, according to all the physicians that ever wrote there
|
||
upon, they shall find that that will be over-short a cloak to cover
|
||
their knavery with. For as the humor of melancholy in the self is
|
||
black, heavy, and earthy, so are the symptoms thereof, in any persons
|
||
that are subject thereunto, leanness, paleness, desire of solitude, and
|
||
if they come to the highest degree thereof, mere folly and mania.
|
||
Whereas, by the contrary, a great number of them that ever have
|
||
been convicted or confessors of witchcraft, as may be presently seen
|
||
by many that have at this time confessed, they are by the contrary, I
|
||
say, some of them rich and worldly wise, some of them fat or cor
|
||
pulent in their bodies, and most part of them altogether given over
|
||
to the pleasures of the flesh, continual haunting of company, and
|
||
all kinds of merriness, both lawful and unlawful, which are things
|
||
directly contrary to the symptoms of melancholy whereof I spoke.4
|
||
And further experience daily proves how loath they are to confess
|
||
without torture, which witnesses their guiltiness; whereby the con
|
||
trary, the melancholies, never spare to betray themselves by their
|
||
continual discourses, feeding thereby their humor in that which they
|
||
think no crime.
|
||
As to your third reason, it scarcely merits an answer. For if the
|
||
Devil, their master, were not bridled, as the Scriptures teach us, sup
|
||
pose there were no men nor women to be his instruments, he could
|
||
find ways enough without any help of others to wreck all mankind;
|
||
whereunto he employs his whole study, and goes about like a roar
|
||
ing lion (as Peter says) to that effect (I Peter 5). But the limits of his
|
||
power were set down before the foundations of the world were laid,
|
||
which he hath not power in the least jot to transgress.
|
||
But beside all this, there is overgreat a certainty to prove that
|
||
they are [witches], by the daily experience of the harms that they
|
||
do, both to men and whatsoever thing men possess, whom God will
|
||
|
||
|
||
108 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
permit them to be the instruments so to trouble or visit, as in my
|
||
discourse of that art you shall hear clearly proved.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTE S TO BOOK II, CH APTER I
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : Refer to Acts 8:9-24. The name "Simon Magus" might be
|
||
translated "Simon the Magician," since magus is a Persian word
|
||
that signifies "magician." lrenaeus described a pre-Gnostic sect
|
||
called the Simonians that supposedly traced its beginning to the
|
||
teachings of Simon Magus. Simon was denounced by the Church
|
||
fathers as the founder of Gnosticism, the source of all Gnostic
|
||
doctrines, and the father of all heresy (Barnstone, The Other Bible,
|
||
page 603). Saint Clement of Alexandria related the fable that
|
||
when Simon was acting as court magician to Nero at Rome, Saint
|
||
Peter went to confront him. To demonstrate his power, Simon
|
||
flew out a window, whereupon Peter muttered a fervent prayer,
|
||
and Simon dropped to the ground, breaking both his legs, and
|
||
shortly thereafter died of his injuries.
|
||
If the story has any truth, it might be speculated that Simon
|
||
was a stage magician, that he flew out the window on wires, and
|
||
that while suspended high above the ground, something mal
|
||
functioned with his apparatus. It is difficult to see how the prayer
|
||
spoken by Paul at the time differs in any significant way in its in
|
||
tention from the malevolent forespeaking of a sorcerer resulting
|
||
in death, so strongly condemned by James.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: The condemnation in Deuteronomy 1 8 : 1 0-1 1 against all
|
||
forms of occult practice is quite sweeping, and reads a bit like the
|
||
all-inclusive language of James's own witchcraft statute of 1 604.
|
||
Prohibited are those who use divination, those who observe times
|
||
(astrologers), enchanters, witches, charmers, consulters with fa
|
||
miliar spirits, wizards, and necromancers.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3: This passage is a bit convoluted, but what James is saying
|
||
is that the woman who was possessed by a spirit of divination
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK I09
|
||
|
||
|
||
(Acts 16: 16-1 8) cannot be called a magician by the vulgar defini
|
||
tion of his day-that is, one who commands the Devil-because
|
||
she did not control the spirit that was using her voice. It might
|
||
be assumed that she was merely possessed, something that was
|
||
believed to happen to many innocent individuals, were it not that
|
||
her prophecies brought great profit to her masters, and were it
|
||
not that she obviously had consented to act as host for the spirit.
|
||
The implied conclusion of James is that the spirit was her familiar.
|
||
|
||
Note 4: Ancient medicine recognized four humors, or subtle fluids,
|
||
flowing through the body. These humors took their prevailing
|
||
nature from the elements with which they corresponded. Choler
|
||
was hot and dry, like the element Fire. The humor of blood was
|
||
moist and hot, like Air. Phlegm was cold and moist, like Water.
|
||
Melancholy was dry and cold, like Earth.
|
||
When the humors of the body were in balance, the result was
|
||
physical and mental health. An imbalance of the humors resulted
|
||
in disease. The primary pursuit of physicians was to restore the
|
||
balance of the humors-hence, the practice of bleeding, which
|
||
was designed to allow a superabundant humor to flow out of the
|
||
body and restore a natural equipoise between the four. Imbal
|
||
ance in the humors not only produced sickness but eccentric and
|
||
socially unacceptable behavior, and served as a source of amuse
|
||
ment for the English playwrights of the late sixteenth century,
|
||
as the titles of the comic plays by Ben Jonson, Every Man in his
|
||
Humour (1 598) and Every Man out of his Humour (1 599), suggest.
|
||
Shakespeare made extensive use of the theory of humors in the
|
||
exaggeration of his characters, as did other Elizabethan and jaco
|
||
bean playwrights such as Marlowe and Webster.
|
||
An ordinary excess of the cold and dry humor of melancholy
|
||
results in what we call depression. It makes us sour, withdrawn,
|
||
sullen, brooding, sluggish, and sad. However, there is another type
|
||
of melancholy, sometimes called heroic melancholy, that creates a
|
||
kind of frantic intensity in the mind, giving rise to unrealistic
|
||
|
||
|
||
IIO DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
ambitions, fantastic visions, irrational plans, cynical but brilliant
|
||
witticisms, intense periods of creativity, inspirations, emotional
|
||
outbursts, persistent delusions, and obsessions. Heroic melancholy
|
||
is what we might call manic depression . James referred to this sec
|
||
ond type of melancholy as the "highest degree thereof."
|
||
James was correct in asserting that witchcraft, as it is de
|
||
scribed in the testimonies of accused witches, does not corre
|
||
spond with common melancholy. Witches frequently testified
|
||
that they gathered together, sang, danced, drank, made love, and
|
||
otherwise enjoyed themselves in a manner quite out of keeping
|
||
with the low form of melancholy, which results in withdrawal
|
||
from society and inertia of mind and body. Whether witchcraft
|
||
corresponds with heroic melancholy is a more interesting matter
|
||
to consider. Some accused witches exhibited delusions of gran
|
||
deur, related wild and unrealistic plans, and reported fantastic vi
|
||
sions that are in harmony with the higher form of melancholy.
|
||
However, since not all witches were the same, there is no reason
|
||
to suppose that they all suffered from the same affliction. A mi
|
||
nority of them probably could be classed as melancholies of the
|
||
highest degree, but the majority does not appear to have shown
|
||
any signs of melancholy humor, either of the common or the
|
||
extreme kind.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P T E R I I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
The etymology and signification of that word, sorcery.
|
||
The first entrance and apprenticeship of them that give
|
||
themselves to that craft.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Come on then, I pray you, and return where you left.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
This word of sorcery is a Latin word, which is taken from casting
|
||
of the lot, and therefore he that uses it is called sortiarius, a sorte.1
|
||
As to the word witchcraft, it is nothing but a proper name given in
|
||
our language.2 The cause wherefore they were called sortiarii pro
|
||
ceeded of their practices seeming to come of lot or chance: such
|
||
as the turning of the riddle, the knowing of the form of prayers or
|
||
such like tokens, if a person diseased would live or die. And in gen
|
||
eral, that name was given them for using of such charms and freits
|
||
as that craft teaches them. Many points of their craft and practices
|
||
are common between the magicians and them; for they serve both
|
||
one master, although in diverse fashions.
|
||
And as I divided the necromancers into two sorts, learned and
|
||
unlearned, so must I divide them in another two: rich and of bet
|
||
ter account, poor and of baser degree. These two degrees now of
|
||
persons that practice this craft answer to the passions in them, which
|
||
(I told you before) the Devil used as means to entice them to his
|
||
|
||
|
||
I I I
|
||
|
||
|
||
112 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
service. For such of them as are in great misery and poverty, he al
|
||
lures to follow him by promising unto them great riches and worldly
|
||
commodity. Such as, though rich, yet burn in desperate desire of re
|
||
venge, he allures them by promises to get their turn satisfied to their
|
||
heart's contentment.
|
||
It is to be noted now, that that old and crafty Enemy of ours as
|
||
sails none, though touched with any of these two extremes, except
|
||
he first find an entrance ready for him, either by the great ignorance
|
||
of the person he deals with, joined with an evil life, or else by their
|
||
carelessness and contempt of God. And finding them in utter de
|
||
spair from one of these two former causes that I have spoken of, he
|
||
prepares the way by feeding them craftily in their humor, and filling
|
||
them further and further with despair, until he finds the time proper
|
||
to reveal himself unto them. At which time, either upon their walk
|
||
ing solitary in the fields, or else lying brooding in their bed, but al
|
||
ways without the company of any other, he either by a voice or in
|
||
likeness of a man, inquires of them what troubles them; and prom
|
||
ises them a sudden and certain way of remedy upon condition on
|
||
the other part that they follow his advice, and do such things as he
|
||
will require of them.
|
||
Their minds being prepared beforehand, as I have already spoken,
|
||
they easily agree unto that demand of his, and soon set another tryst
|
||
where they may meet again. At which time, before he proceeds any
|
||
further with them, he first persuades them to addict themselves to his
|
||
service; which being easily obtained, he then reveals what he is unto
|
||
them, makes them renounce their God and baptism directly, and gives
|
||
them his mark upon some secret place of their body, which remains
|
||
sore unhealed until his next meeting with them, and thereafter ever
|
||
insensible, howsoever it be nipped or pricked in any way, as is daily
|
||
proved; to give them a proof thereby, that as in that doing he could
|
||
hurt and heal them, so all their ill and well doings thereafter must de
|
||
pend upon him. And besides that, the intolerable distress that they feel
|
||
in that place where he has marked them serves to waken them, and
|
||
not to let them rest until their next meeting again; fearing lest other
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK II3
|
||
|
||
|
||
wise they might either forget him, being as new apprentices and not
|
||
|
||
well enough founded yet in that fiendly folly: or else, remembering of
|
||
|
||
that horrible promise they made him at their last meeting, they might
|
||
|
||
balk at the same, and press to call it back.
|
||
|
||
At their third meeting he makes a show to be careful to perform
|
||
|
||
his promises, either by teaching them ways how to get themselves
|
||
|
||
revenged, if they be of that sort, or else by teaching them lessons
|
||
|
||
how, by most vile and unlawful means, they may obtain gain and
|
||
|
||
worldly commodity, if they be of the other sort.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK II, CHAPTER II
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : The word "sorcerer" is from the Latin sortiarius, "one who
|
||
|
||
casts a lot" (sortis).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: James was mistaken about the word "witchcraft," but his
|
||
|
||
error is understandable, in view of the difficulty we still have
|
||
|
||
today in determining the origins of the word "witch." In Anglo
|
||
|
||
Saxon, wicca is the term for a male witch, wicce for a female witch,
|
||
and wiccian for the verb "to witch or bewitch." Webster's Dictionary
|
||
|
||
traces these forms back to the Indo-European root weiq, meaning
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 6
|
||
|
||
|
||
II4 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
"violent strength." Skeat states that wicca is a corruption of the An
|
||
glo-Saxon witga, "prophet, soothsayer, or wizard." The word witga,
|
||
originally a seer, is from witan, "to see," and is allied to the Anglo
|
||
Saxon word witan, "to know" (Skeat, An Etymological Dictionary of
|
||
the English Language, page 714). If Skeat is correct, the word "witch"
|
||
signifies "someone who is knowing or wise," and witchcraft is the
|
||
craft of the wise.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA PTER III
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
The witches' actions divided into two parts: the actions proper to
|
||
their own persons, their actions towards others. The form of their
|
||
conventions, and adoring of their master.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
You have said now enough of their initiating into that order. It
|
||
remains then that you discourse upon their practices, before they be
|
||
passed apprentices: for I would fain hear what is possible to them to
|
||
perform in very deed.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon1
|
||
Although they serve a common master with the necromancers (as
|
||
I have before said), yet serve they him in another form. For as the
|
||
means are diverse which allure them to these unlawful arts of serv
|
||
ing of the Devil, so by diverse ways use they their practices, answer
|
||
ing to these means which first the Devil used as instruments in
|
||
them; though all tending to one end, to wit, the enlarging of Satan's
|
||
tyranny, and crossing of the propagation of the Kingdom of Christ,
|
||
so far as lies in the possibility, either of the one or other sort, or of
|
||
the Devil their master.
|
||
For where the magicians, as allured by curiosity, in the most part
|
||
of their practices seek principally the satisfYing of the same, and to
|
||
win to themselves a popular honor and estimation, these witches on
|
||
the other part, being enticed either for the desire of revenge, or of
|
||
|
||
|
||
115
|
||
|
||
|
||
II6 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
worldly riches, their whole practice is either to hurt men and their
|
||
goods, or what they possess, for satisfying of their cruel minds in the
|
||
former; or else by the wreck, in whatsoever sort, of any whom God
|
||
will permit them to have power of, to satisfy their greedy desire in
|
||
the last point.
|
||
In two parts their actions may be divided: the actions of their
|
||
own persons, and the actions proceeding from them towards any
|
||
other. And this division being well understood, will easily resolve
|
||
|
||
[for] you what is possible to them to do. For although all that they
|
||
confess is no lie upon their part, yet doubtlessly, in my opinion, a
|
||
part of it is not indeed according as they take it to be: and in this I
|
||
mean by the actions of their own persons. For as I said before, speak
|
||
ing of magic, that the Devil deludes the senses of these scholars of
|
||
his in many things, so say I the like of these witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Then I pray you, first to speak of that part of their own persons, and
|
||
then you may come next to their actions toward others.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
To the effect that they may perform such services of their false mas
|
||
ter as he employs them in, the Devil as God's ape counterfeits in
|
||
his servants this service and form of adoration, that God prescribed
|
||
and made his servants to practice. For as the servants of God pub
|
||
licly convene for serving of him, so makes him them in great num
|
||
bers to convene (though publicly they dare not) for his service. As
|
||
none convenes to the adoration and worshipping of God except
|
||
they be marked with his seal, the sacrament of baptism, so none
|
||
serves Satan and convenes to the adoring of him that are not marked
|
||
with that mark, whereof I already spoke. As the minister sent by
|
||
God teaches plainly at the time of their public conventions how to
|
||
serve him in spirit and truth, so that unclean spirit, in his own per
|
||
son teaches his disciples at the time of their convening how to work
|
||
all kinds of mischief; and craves accounting of all their horrible and
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 1 17
|
||
|
||
|
||
detestable proceeding past, for advancement of his service. Yea, that
|
||
|
||
he may the more vilely counterfeit and scorn God, he often times
|
||
makes his slaves to convene in these very places which are destined
|
||
and ordained for the convening of the servants of God (I mean by
|
||
churches).
|
||
But this far, which I have yet said, I not only take it to be true in
|
||
their opinions, but even so to be in deed. For the form that he used
|
||
in counterfeiting God among the pagans makes me so to think: as
|
||
God spoke by his oracles, spoke he not so by his? As God had as well
|
||
bloody sacrifices, as others without blood, had not he the like? As
|
||
God had churches sanctified to his service, with altars, priests, sacri
|
||
fices, ceremonies, and prayers, had he not the like polluted to his ser
|
||
vice? As God gave responses by Urim and Thummim,2 gave he not
|
||
his responses by the entrails of beasts,3 by the singing of fowls, and
|
||
by their actions in the air?4 As God by visions, dreams, and ecstasies
|
||
revealed what was to come, and what was his will unto his servants,
|
||
used he not the like means to forewarn his slaves of things to come?
|
||
Yea, even as God loved cleanness, hated vice and impurity, and ap
|
||
pointed punishments therefore, used he not the like (though falsely
|
||
I grant, and but in eschewing the less inconvenient to drew them
|
||
upon a greater); yet dissembled he not, I say, so far as to appoint
|
||
his priests to keep their bodies clean and undefiled5 before their ask
|
||
ing responses of him? And feigned he not God, to be a protector of
|
||
every virtue, and a just revenger of the contrary?
|
||
This reason then moves me, that as he is that same Devil, and
|
||
as crafty now as he was then, so will he not spare openly in these
|
||
actions that I have spoken of concerning the witches' persons. But
|
||
further, witches oftentimes confess not only his convening in the
|
||
church with them, but his occupying of the pulpit; yea, their form
|
||
of adoration, to be the kissing of his hinder parts.6 Which, though
|
||
it seem ridiculous, yet may it likewise be true, seeing we read that
|
||
in Calicut/ he appearing in form of a goat-buck, had publicly that
|
||
dishonest homage done unto him by every one of the people. So
|
||
|
||
|
||
II8 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
ambitious is he, and greedy of honor (which procured his Fall) that
|
||
he will even imitate God in that part, where it is said that Moses
|
||
could see but the hinder parts of God, for the brightness of his glory
|
||
(Exodus 33); and yet that speech is spoken but anthropopathically.8
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES TO BOOK II, CH APTER III
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : The text of the two paragraphs that follow is in the original
|
||
work attributed to Philomathes. This is an obvious error. I have
|
||
returned this section of text to Epistemon.
|
||
|
||
Note 2: Urim and Thummim were two mysterious objects carried
|
||
by the high priest of Israel within the sacred breastplate bear
|
||
|
||
ing the twelve stones of the tribes (see Leviticus 8:8). They were
|
||
|
||
used as an instrument of divination on important matters. When
|
||
Joshua was publicly chosen to succeed Moses as leader of Israel,
|
||
he was confirmed by the oracle of Urim (Numbers 27:2 1). The
|
||
Hebrew word AVRIM means "lights"; the word ThMIM means
|
||
"truth." Both are plural forms. Philo Judaeus believed these ob
|
||
jects were two small images, the first representing revelation and
|
||
the second truth. However, the biblical commentator Rashi states
|
||
unequivocally that they were "the writing of the Divine Name,"
|
||
that is, the four Hebrew letters of Tetragrammaton.
|
||
|
||
In my book Tetragrammaton I speculate that the oracle con
|
||
sisted of two disks, one of gold (Urim) and the other of silver
|
||
(Thummim). I believe they represented the Sun and the Moon,
|
||
and each was engraved with two of the letters of the Divine
|
||
Name, a single letter on each side of the two disks (Tyson, Tetra
|
||
grammaton, pages 82-86). The manner of using the oracle is not
|
||
known, but one of the disks may have indicated a yes and the
|
||
other a no, when blindly drawn from within the breastplate; or
|
||
the letters may have been used to spell out one of the twelve pos
|
||
sible permutations of the letters of the Name, corresponding to
|
||
the twelve tribes of Israel.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 1 19
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : Divination by the inspection of the still-warm entrails of
|
||
|
||
a sacrificed beast was the method favored by the Etruscans, and
|
||
|
||
was later adopted by the Romans as their preferred method of of
|
||
|
||
ficial divination. The Romans employed Etruscan priests to inter
|
||
|
||
pret the oracle . The appearance of the liver was critical. A healthy
|
||
|
||
liver was a good sign, but a liver that was discolored, misshaped,
|
||
|
||
or diseased portended disaster.
|
||
|
||
Note 4: The Romans placed great reliance on prognostication by the
|
||
|
||
flight of birds. Of chief importance was the direction of their pas
|
||
|
||
sage, but they also took note of the manner of their flight and
|
||
|
||
their number, and of the species of the birds involved. The eagle
|
||
|
||
was thought to give important oracles, since it was one of the pri
|
||
|
||
mary symbols of the Roman state.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 7
|
||
|
||
|
||
!20 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: Many of the pagan priestly casts observed scrupulous physi
|
||
cal cleanliness. The Egyptian priests were particularly noted for it,
|
||
going so far as to shave their entire bodies. Some orders of priests
|
||
and priestesses also maintained a sexual cleanliness by remaining
|
||
virgin. The reason for physical cleanliness was to avoid dishon
|
||
oring the deities they served, but the reason for celibacy was to
|
||
accumulate sexual energy so that it could be devoted to esoteric
|
||
purposes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: When James mentions the Devil occupying the pulpit of
|
||
the church, and causing the witches at the gathering to kiss his
|
||
buttocks in homage, he is referring to testimony that he heard
|
||
with his own ears during the interrogations of the North Berwick
|
||
witches six years earlier. These practices are described in the tract
|
||
News From Scotland.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: Calicut is a town in southern India, on the Malabar Coast.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 8: Anthropopathy (av8pwnona8Eta) is the ascription of
|
||
human emotions to God. The Greek word James was looking for
|
||
here was "anthropomorphic" (av8pw7tOilOp<pocr), not "anthro
|
||
popathic." Anthropomorphism is the ascription of the human
|
||
form and characteristics to God-in this case, buttocks.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P T E R I V
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
What are the ways possible whereby the witches may transport
|
||
themselves to places far distant. And what are impossible and mere
|
||
illusions of Satan. And the reasons thereof.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But by what way say they or think you it possible that they can come
|
||
to these unlawful conventions?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
There is the thing which I esteem their senses to be deluded in,
|
||
and though they lie not in confessing of it, because they think it to
|
||
be true, yet not to be so in substance or effect: for they say that by
|
||
diverse means they may convene, either to the adoring of their Mas
|
||
ter, or to the putting into practice any service of his committed unto
|
||
their charge. One way is natural, which is natural riding, going, or
|
||
sailing, at what hour their Master comes and advises them; and this
|
||
way may be easily believed. Another way is somewhat more strange,
|
||
and yet is it possible to be true: which is, by being carried by the
|
||
force of the spirit which is their conductor, either above the earth or
|
||
above the sea, swiftly to the place where they are to meet; which I
|
||
am persuaded to be likewise possible, in respect that Habbacuc was
|
||
carried by the angel in that form to the den where Daniel lay (Apoc
|
||
rypha of Bel and the Dragon).
|
||
|
||
|
||
122 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
So, think I, the Devil will be ready to imitate God as well in that,
|
||
as in other things: which is much more possible to him to do, being
|
||
a spirit, than to a mighty wind, being but a natural event, to trans
|
||
port from one place to another a solid body, as is commonly and
|
||
daily seen in practice. But in this violent form they cannot be carried
|
||
but a short bounds, agreeing with the space that they may retain
|
||
their breath: for if it were longer, their breath could not remain un
|
||
extinguished, their bodies being carried in such a violent and forcible
|
||
manner. As, by example: if one fall off a small height, his life is but
|
||
in peril, according to the hard or soft landing; but if one fall from a
|
||
high and steep rock, his breath will be forcibly banished from the
|
||
body before he can win to the earth, as it oft seen by experience.1
|
||
|
||
And in this transporting, they say to themselves that they are
|
||
invisible to any other, except among themselves; which may also
|
||
be possible in my opinion. For if the Devil may form what kind of
|
||
impressions he pleases in the air, as I have said before, speaking of
|
||
magic, why may he not far easier thicken and obscure so the air that
|
||
is next above them by contracting is close together, that the beams
|
||
of any other man's eyes cannot pierce through the same to see
|
||
them?2
|
||
But the third way of their coming to their conventions is that
|
||
wherein I think them deluded: for some of them say that being
|
||
transformed into the likeness of a little beast or fowl, they will come
|
||
and pierce through whatsoever house or church, though all ordinary
|
||
passages be closed, by whatsoever opening the air may enter in at.
|
||
And some say that their bodies lying still, as in ecstasy, their spir
|
||
its will be ravished out of their bodies, 3 and carried to such places.
|
||
And for verifying thereof, will give evident tokens, as well by wit
|
||
nesses that have seen their bodies lying senseless in the meantime,
|
||
as by naming persons with whom they met, and giving tokens what
|
||
purpose was amongst them, whom otherwise they could not have
|
||
known: for this form of journeying, they affirm to use the most
|
||
when they are transported from one country to another.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 123
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
Surely, I long to hear your own opinion of this, for they are like old
|
||
wives' tattles about the fire.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon4
|
||
The reasons that move me to think that these are mere illusions are
|
||
these. First, for them that are transformed in likeness of beasts or
|
||
fowls, can enter through so narrow passages, although I may easily
|
||
believe that the Devil could by his workmanship upon the air make
|
||
them appear to be in such forms, either to themselves or to others,
|
||
yet how can he contract a solid body within so little room? I think
|
||
it is directly contrary to itself, for to be made so little, and yet not
|
||
diminished; to be so tightly drawn together, and yet feel no pain. I
|
||
think it is so contrary to the quality of a natural body, and so like to
|
||
the little transubstantial God in the Papists' Mass, that I can never
|
||
believe it. So to have a quantity, is so proper to a solid body, that as
|
||
all philosophers conclude, it cannot be any more without one, than
|
||
a spirit can have one. For when Peter came out of the prison, and
|
||
the doors all locked (Acts 12), it was not by any contracting of his
|
||
body in so little room, but by the giving place of the door, though
|
||
unspied by the jailers. And yet is there no comparison when this is
|
||
done, between the power of God, and of the Devil.
|
||
As to their form of ecstasy and spiritual transporting, it is cer
|
||
tain the soul's going out of the body is the only definition of natural
|
||
death: and who are once dead, God forbid we should think that it
|
||
should lie in the power of all the devils in hell to restore them to
|
||
their life again (although he can put his own spirit in a dead body,
|
||
which the necromancers commonly practice, as you have heard),
|
||
for that is the office properly belonging to God. And besides that,
|
||
the soul once parted from the body cannot wander any longer in
|
||
the world, but to the one resting place must it go immediately, abid
|
||
ing the conjunction of the body again at the Latter Day. And what
|
||
Christ or the prophets did miraculously in this case, it cannot, in any
|
||
Christian man's opinion, be made common with the Devil. As for
|
||
|
||
|
||
124 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
any tokens that they give for proving of this, it is very possible to
|
||
the Devil's craft to persuade them to these means. For he being a
|
||
spirit, may he not so ravish their thoughts, and dull their senses, that
|
||
their body lying as dead, he may appear to their spirits as it were in a
|
||
dream, and (as the poets write of Morpheus5) represent such forms
|
||
of persons, of places, and other circumstances, as he pleases to de
|
||
lude them with?
|
||
Yea, that he may deceive them with the greater efficacy, may he
|
||
not at that same instant, by fellow angels of his, delude such other
|
||
persons so in that same fashion, whom with he makes them to be
|
||
lieve that they met: that all their reports and tokens, though sepa
|
||
rately examined, may every one agree with another. And that what
|
||
soever actions, either in hurting men or beasts, or whatsoever other
|
||
|
||
thing that they falsely imagine at that time to have done, may by
|
||
himself or his minions at that same time be done indeed. So as, if
|
||
they would give for a token of their being ravished at, the death of
|
||
such a person within so short space thereafter whom they believe to
|
||
have poisoned or witched at that instant, might he not at that same
|
||
hour have smitten that same person by the permission of God, to
|
||
the further deceiving of them, and to move others to believe them?
|
||
And this is surely the likeliest way, and most according to reason,
|
||
which my judgement can find out in this, and whatsoever other un
|
||
natural points of their confession.
|
||
And by these means shall we sail surely between Charybdis and
|
||
Scylla,6 in eschewing the not believing of them altogether on the
|
||
one part, lest that draw us to the error that there are no witches; and
|
||
on the other part in believing of it, make us to eschew the falling
|
||
into innumerable absurdities, both monstrously against all theology
|
||
divine, and philosophy humane.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 125
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES TO BOOK II, CH APTER I V
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : Since the impact with the ground after a fall from a high
|
||
place would cause death, it is difficult to know how James could
|
||
assert that someone falling from a high place dies through loss
|
||
of breath before striking the earth. This is nothing but a fable,
|
||
but one that was still believed in recent times. When trains began
|
||
to travel faster than a horse could run, many were afraid to ride
|
||
in them because they believed that the speed of their progress
|
||
would tear the breath from their lungs and suffocate them.
|
||
|
||
Note 2: The belief was that the sense of sight operated by means of
|
||
beams or rays projected from the eyes to touch the objects seen.
|
||
Only when the beams from our eyes contacted something could
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 8
|
||
|
||
|
||
126 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
we see it. The eye was thought to be an active, rather than a pas
|
||
sive, organ. It is in this false but plausible context that the evil eye
|
||
was assumed to function, by projecting rays that carried an occult
|
||
contagion from the witch to the person overlooked.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3: Astral projection during a trance state.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: The name of Epistemon does not appear here in the origi
|
||
nal text, but it is obvious that the following long and learned ex
|
||
planation belongs to him and not to Philomathes.
|
||
|
||
Note 5 : Morpheus is the Greek god of dreams, the son of Hypnos,
|
||
god of sleep.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: The Scylla is a great rock on the Italian side of the Straits of
|
||
|
||
Messina, directly opposite the whirlpool known as Charybdis. It
|
||
was perilous to sail between them, since in an effort to avoid one
|
||
there was danger of running headlong into the other.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P TE R V
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
Witches' actions towards others. Why there are more women
|
||
of that craft than men. What things are possible to them
|
||
to effictuate by the power of their Master. The reasons thereof
|
||
What is the surest remedy of the harms done by them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
For truth, your opinion in this seems to carry most reason with it,
|
||
and since you have ended, then, the actions belonging properly to
|
||
their own persons, say forward now to their actions used toward
|
||
others.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
In their actions used toward others, three things ought to be con
|
||
sidered. First, the manner of their consulting thereupon; next, their
|
||
part as instruments; and last, their Master's part, who puts the same
|
||
into execution.
|
||
As to their consultations thereupon, they use them oftenest in
|
||
the churches, where they convene for adoring; at what time their
|
||
Master, enquiring at them what they would be at, every one of them
|
||
|
||
proposes unto him what wicked turn they would have done, either
|
||
for obtaining of riches, or for revenging them upon any whom they
|
||
have malice at: who, granting their demand, as no doubt willingly he
|
||
will since it is to do evil, he teaches them the means whereby they
|
||
may do the same. As for little trifling turns that women have ado
|
||
|
||
|
||
!27
|
||
|
||
|
||
128 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
with, he causes them to disjoint dead corpses, and to make powders
|
||
thereof, 1 mixing such other things there amongst as he gives unto
|
||
them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But before you go further, permit me, I pray you, to interrupt you
|
||
one word, which you have put me in memory of, by speaking of
|
||
women. What can be the cause that there are twenty women given
|
||
to that craft, where there is one man?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistem.on
|
||
The reason is easy, for as that sex is frailer than man is, so is it easier
|
||
to be entrapped in these gross snares of the Devil, as was overwell
|
||
proved to be true by the Serpent's deceiving of Eve at the beginning,
|
||
|
||
which makes him the friendlier with that sex since then.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Return now where you left.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
To some others at these times he teaches how to make pictures of
|
||
wax or clay, 2 that by the roasting thereof, the persons that they bear
|
||
the name of may be continually melted or dried away by continual
|
||
sickness. To some he gives such stones or powders as will help to
|
||
cure or cast on diseases. And to some he teaches kinds of uncouth
|
||
poisons, which mediciners understand not (for he is far more cun
|
||
ning than man in the knowledge of all the occult properties of
|
||
nature).
|
||
Not that any of these means which he teaches them (except the
|
||
poisons, which are composed of things natural) can of themselves
|
||
help any thing to these turns, that they are employed in, but only
|
||
being God's ape, as well in that, as in all other things. Even as God by
|
||
his sacraments, which are earthly of themselves, works a heavenly
|
||
effect, though nowise by any cooperation in them, and as Christ by
|
||
clay and spittle wrought together, opened the eyes of the blind man
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 129
|
||
|
||
|
||
(John 9), suppose there was no virtue in that which he outwardly
|
||
applied, so the Devil will have his outward means to be shows, as it
|
||
were, of his doing, which have no part of cooperation in his turns
|
||
with him, how far that ever the ignorant be abused in the contrary.
|
||
And as to the effects of these two former parts, to wit, the con
|
||
sultations and the outward means, they are so wonderful as I dare
|
||
not allege any of them, without joining a sufficient reason of the
|
||
possibility thereof. For leaving all the small trifles among wives, and
|
||
to speak of the principal points of their craft (for the common trifles
|
||
thereof, they can do without converting well enough by themselves),
|
||
these principal points, I say, are these.
|
||
They can make men or women to love or hate [each] other,
|
||
which may be very possible to the Devil to effect, seeing he being a
|
||
subtle spirit, knows well enough how to persuade the corrupted af
|
||
fection of them whom God will permit him so to deal with.
|
||
They can lay the sickness of one upon another, which likewise is
|
||
very possible unto him: for since by God's permission, he laid sick
|
||
ness upon job, 1 why may he not far easier lay it upon any other? For
|
||
as an old physician, he knows well enough what humor dominates
|
||
most in any of us, and as a spirit he can subtly waken up the same,
|
||
making it peccant or to abound, as he thinks meet for troubling us,
|
||
when God will so permit him. And for the taking off of it, no doubt
|
||
he will be glad to relieve such of present pain, as he may think by
|
||
these means to persuade to be caught in his everlasting snares and
|
||
fetters.
|
||
They can bewitch and take the life of men or women, by roast
|
||
ing of the pictures, as I spoke before, which likewise is very possible
|
||
to their Master to perform; for although (as I said before) that instru
|
||
ment of wax has no virtue in that turn doing, yet may he not very
|
||
well even by that same measure that his conjured slaves melt that
|
||
wax at the fire, may he not I say at these same times, subtly as a
|
||
spirit, so weaken and scatter the spirits of life of the patient, as may
|
||
make him on the one part, for faintness to sweat out the humor of
|
||
|
||
|
||
130 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
his body, and on the other part, for the not concurrence of these
|
||
spirits, which cause his digestion, so debilitate his stomach, that his
|
||
humor radical continually, sweating out on the one part, and no new
|
||
good suck being put in the place thereof, for lack of digestion on the
|
||
other, he at last shall vanish away, even as his picture will do at the
|
||
fire. And that knavish and cunning workman, by troubling him only
|
||
at some times, makes a proportion so near between the working of
|
||
the one and the other, that both shall end as it were at one time.
|
||
They can raise storms and tempests in the air, either upon sea
|
||
or land, though not universally, but in such a particular place and
|
||
prescribed bounds, as God will permit them so to trouble: which
|
||
likewise is very easy to be discerned from any other natural tem
|
||
pests that are meteors,4 in respect of the sudden and violent raising
|
||
thereof, together with the short enduring of the same. And this is
|
||
likewise very possible to their Master to do, he having such affinity
|
||
with the air as being a spirit, and having such power of the forming
|
||
and moving thereof, as you have heard me already declare. For in
|
||
the Scripture, that styling of the Prince of the Air is given unto him
|
||
(Ephesians 2).
|
||
They can make folks to become frantic or maniac, which likewise
|
||
is very possible to their Master to do, since they are but natural sick
|
||
nesses. And so he lays on these kinds, as well as any others. They can
|
||
make spirits either to follow and trouble persons, or haunt certain
|
||
houses, and affright oftentimes the inhabitants; as hath been known
|
||
to be done by our witches at this time.5 And likewise they can make
|
||
some to be possessed with spirits, and so to become very demoniacs:
|
||
and this last sort is very possible likewise to the Devil their Master to
|
||
do, since he may easily send his own angels to trouble in what form
|
||
he pleases, any whom God will permit him to so use.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But will God permit these wicked instruments by the power of
|
||
the Devil their Master, to trouble by any of these means, any that
|
||
believes in him?
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 131
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
No doubt, for there are three kinds of folks whom God will permit
|
||
so to be tempted or troubled: the wicked for their horrible sins, to
|
||
punish them in the like measure; the godly that are sleeping in any
|
||
great sins or infirmities and weaknesses in faith, to waken them up
|
||
the faster by such an uncouth form; and even some of the best, that
|
||
their patience may be tried before the world, as Job's was. For why
|
||
may not God use any kind of extraordinary punishment when it
|
||
pleases him, as well as the ordinary rods of sickness or other adversi
|
||
ties?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Who then may he free from these devilish practices?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
No man ought to presume so far as to promise any impunity to him
|
||
self, for God hath before all beginnings preordained as well the par
|
||
ticular sorts of plagues as of benefits for every man, which in their
|
||
own time he ordains them to be visited with; and yet ought we not
|
||
to be the more afraid for that, of anything that the Devil and his
|
||
wicked instruments can do against us, for we daily fight against the
|
||
Devil in a hundred other ways. And therefore as a valiant captain
|
||
fears no more being at the combat, nor stays from his purpose for
|
||
the rummishing shot of a cannon nor the small clack of a pistol,
|
||
suppose he be not certain what may light upon him, even so ought
|
||
we boldly to go forward in fighting against the Devil without any
|
||
greater terror for these his rarest weapons, than for the ordinary
|
||
whereof we have daily the proof.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Is it not lawful then by the help of some other witches to cure the
|
||
disease that is cast on by that craft?
|
||
|
||
|
||
132 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
Nowise lawful, for I gave you the reason thereof in that axiom of
|
||
theology, which was the last word I spoke of magic. 6
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
How then may these diseases be lawfully cured?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Only by earnest prayer to God, by amendment of their lives, and by
|
||
sharply pursuing every one, according to his calling, of these instru
|
||
ments of Satan, whose punishment to the death will be a salutary
|
||
sacrifice for the patient. 7 And this is not only the lawful way, but like
|
||
wise the most sure. For by the Devil's means, can never the Devil
|
||
be cast out (Mark 3), as Christ says. And when such a cure is used,
|
||
it may well serve for a short time, but at the last, it will doubtlessly
|
||
tend to the utter perdition of the patient, both in body and soul.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK II, CH APTER V
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : The accusation that the North Berwick witches dug up
|
||
corpses and removed their joints for working malicious magic oc
|
||
curs in the charges laid against them. The joints were specifically
|
||
the joints of the fingers and toes, as well as the kneecaps. These
|
||
joints were either used whole, or were dried and reduced to a
|
||
power, to be mixed with other materials having occult virtues.
|
||
It was charged against John Pian at his trial of December 20,
|
||
1 590, that at the command of the Devil he had dismembered the
|
||
bodies of the dead, and especially unbaptised children. At the
|
||
January 27, 1 591, trial against Agnes Sampson she was accused of
|
||
having fastened to the four legs of a cat four joints from a dead
|
||
man, and of then having thrown the cat into the sea for the pur
|
||
pose of sinking a ship (the cat swam back to shore, and presum
|
||
ably was uninjured, apart from the assault on its dignity). She was
|
||
also charged with having each night put the powder or "mwildis"
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 133
|
||
|
||
|
||
of pulverized joints from corpses under the bed of Effie McCa
|
||
lyan, beginning ten days before she gave birth, for the purpose of
|
||
reducing her labor pains. She was charged with participating at
|
||
the North Berwick church in the digging-up and dismembering
|
||
of four corpses, so that the witches present could divide between
|
||
them the joints of the fingers, toes, and knees-Agnes got two
|
||
joints and a winding sheet, which she "kept negligently."
|
||
|
||
Note 2: Small figures molded out of wax or clay, and made through
|
||
magic to possess a sympathetic link with their subjects. This is
|
||
perhaps the most characteristic of all forms of magic associated
|
||
with witchcraft down through the centuries. Anything done to
|
||
the image affects the subject of the image in a similar way. For ex
|
||
ample, a pin thrust into the head would induce a headache. Wax
|
||
figures were "roasted" or melted over a fire to cause a wasting
|
||
disease in their subjects-as the figure of wax dripped away, so
|
||
did the vitality of the person it depicted. For the image, which
|
||
was sometimes called a poppet, to be effective, it was necessary
|
||
that the link with the person it represented be strong. Hence,
|
||
such figures were embedded with the hair, nail clippings, or other
|
||
waste products of the body secretly gathered from their subjects,
|
||
baptized in the name of that person and inscribed with the name,
|
||
and dressed in a scrap of clothing worn or used by the subject.
|
||
The image might be made of almost any material. Indeed, onions
|
||
were used for this purpose in England, wrapped with a strip of
|
||
paper upon which the name of the intended victim was written,
|
||
and affixed with pins, then inserted into a kitchen chimney to be
|
||
constantly subjected to the heat and smoke of the fire (Elworthy,
|
||
The Evil Eye, page 55).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note J: job 2:7.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: A "meteor" was for James any natural atmospheric phenom
|
||
enon. The term was used much more broadly in the Jacobean
|
||
period than today, when it solely denotes a streak of light across
|
||
|
||
|
||
134 DEMONOLOGY : THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
the heavens. There were aerial meteors (winds), aqueous meteors
|
||
(rain, snow, hail, dew), luminous meteors (rainbows, the aurora,
|
||
halos), and igneous meteors (lightning, shooting stars).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5 : One of the accusations against the North Berwick witches
|
||
was that they entered houses by magical means to frighten the
|
||
inhabitants. They were also supposed to be able to magically
|
||
transport themselves onto ships for the purpose of sinking them.
|
||
While on the ships, they remained invisible to the crews.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 9
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: That evil should never be done for a good cause. See the end
|
||
of Book I, Chapter VII.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: This is one of the more evil instructions given by James in
|
||
his book. He is saying that the best way to cure illnesses and mis
|
||
fortunes caused by witchcraft is to locate, arrest, and execute the
|
||
witch who caused them. As a result, anyone believing in witchcraft
|
||
who had the misfortune to fall sick from some lingering disease or
|
||
infirmity would begin to look with suspicion at his neighbors, in
|
||
the expectation that the death of one of them would cure the sick
|
||
ness. This attitude would increase the hysteria surrounding anyone
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 135
|
||
|
||
|
||
accused of witchcraft, and multiply the accusations. Notice the use
|
||
by james of the word "sacrifice." He seems to be suggesting that
|
||
the execution of a witch is a kind of offering to God that will be
|
||
compensated for by the lifting of the curses placed on the witch's
|
||
victims.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P T E R V I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
What sort of folks are least or most subject to receive harm
|
||
by witchcraft. What power they have to harm the magistrate,
|
||
and upon what respects they have any power in prison.
|
||
And to what end may or will the Devil appear to them therein.
|
||
Upon what respects the Devil appears in dirent shapes to various
|
||
of them at any time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But who dare take upon him to punish them, if no man can be sure
|
||
to be free from their unnatural invasions?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
We ought not the more of that restrain from virtue, that the way
|
||
whereby we climb thereunto be narrow and perilous. But besides
|
||
that, as there is no kind of person so subject to receive harm of
|
||
them, as these that are of infirm and weak faith (which is the best
|
||
buckler against such invasions), so have they so small power over
|
||
none as over such as zealously and earnestly pursue them, without
|
||
sparing for any worldly respect. 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Then they are like the pestilence, which smites these with most sick
|
||
ness, that fly it farthest and apprehend deepest the peril thereof.
|
||
|
||
|
||
138 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
It is even so with them. For either is it able to them to use any false
|
||
cure upon a patient, except the patient first believe in their power,
|
||
and so hazard the tinsel of his own soul, nor yet can they have less
|
||
power to hurt any, than such as condemns most their doings, so
|
||
being it comes of faith and not of any vain arrogance in themselves.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But what is their power against the magistrate?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Less or greater, according as he deals with them. For if he be slothful
|
||
towards them, God is very able to make them instruments to waken
|
||
and punish his sloth. But if he be the contrary, he according to the
|
||
just law of God, and allowable law of all nations, will be diligent in
|
||
examining and punishing them, God will not permit their Master to
|
||
trouble or hinder so good a work.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But after they be once in hands and confinement, have they any fur
|
||
ther power in their craft?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
That is according to the form of their detention. If they be but
|
||
apprehended and detained of any private person, upon other private
|
||
respects, their power no doubt either in escaping or in doing hurt, is
|
||
no less than ever it was before. But if on the other part, their appre
|
||
hending and detention be by the lawful magistrate, upon the just
|
||
respects of their guiltiness in that craft, their power is then no greater
|
||
than before that ever they meddled with their Master. For when God
|
||
begins justly to strike by his lawful lieutenants, it is not in the Devil's
|
||
power to defraud or bereave him of the office, or affect of his power
|
||
and revenging scepter. 2
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK 139
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
But will never their Master come to visit them, after they be once
|
||
apprehended and put in confinement?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
That is according to the estate that these miserable wretches are in.
|
||
For if they be obstinate in still denying, he will not spare, when he
|
||
finds time to speak with them, either if he find them in any comfort,
|
||
to fill them more and more with the vain hope of some manner of
|
||
relief; or else if he find them in a deep despair, by all means to aug
|
||
ment the same, and to persuade them by some extraordinary means
|
||
to put themselves down, which very commonly they do.3 But if they
|
||
be penitent and confess, God will not permit him to trouble them
|
||
any more with his presence and allurements.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
It is not good using his counsel, I see then. But I would earnestly
|
||
know when he appears to them in prison, what forms does he then
|
||
take?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Diverse forms, even as he used to do at other times upon them. For
|
||
as I told you, speaking of magic, he appears to that kind of crafts
|
||
man ordinarily in a form, according as they agree upon it among
|
||
themselves. Or if they be but apprentices, according to the qual
|
||
ity of their circles or conjurations. Yet to these capped4 creatures,
|
||
he appears as he pleases, and as he finds best for their humors. For
|
||
even at their public conventions he appears to diverse of them in
|
||
diverse forms, as we have found by the difference of their confes
|
||
sions in that point. For he deluding them with vain impressions in
|
||
the air, makes himself to seem more terrible to the grosser sort, that
|
||
they may thereby be moved to fear and reverence him the more, and
|
||
less monstrous and uncouth again to the craftier sort, lest otherwise
|
||
they might stare and shudder at his ugliness.
|
||
|
||
|
||
140 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
How can he then be felt, as they confess they have done him, if his
|
||
body be but of air?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I hear little of that among their confessions, yet may he make him
|
||
self palpable, either by assuming any dead body, and using the min
|
||
istry thereof, or else by deluding as well their sense of feeling as see
|
||
ing; which is not impossible to him to do, since all our senses, as
|
||
we are so weak, and even by ordinary sickness will be oftentimes
|
||
deluded.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But I would spare one word further yet, concerning his appearing to
|
||
them in prison,5 which is this: may any that chance to be present at
|
||
that time in the prison see him as well as they?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Sometimes they will, and sometimes not, as it pleases God.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK II, CH APTER VI
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1: This is another calculated statement by James. His assertion
|
||
is that the more aggressively anyone seeks to locate and persecute
|
||
those believed to be witches, the more God will defend that per
|
||
son's health and security against their magic. As a consequence
|
||
of this belief, it was inevitable that neurotic and hysterical mem
|
||
bers of society-those most likely to see witches around every
|
||
corner-would be the most active in making accusations against
|
||
their neighbors, as a way of ensuring their own security against
|
||
witchcraft.
|
||
|
||
Note 2: James refers to himself when he writes of the "revenging
|
||
scepter" that punishes witches. These are his own personal be
|
||
liefs, and the essential motives of his actions against witchcraft.
|
||
According to his opinion, by vigorously pursuing the persecution
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY : THE SECOND BOOK I4I
|
||
|
||
|
||
of witches he was not only performing the will of God but was
|
||
ensuring his own security against any spells that might have been
|
||
worked against him. His motive for so active an involvement in
|
||
the North Berwick affair becomes plain. He was not so much
|
||
driven by righteous indignation, as he was by fear. He believed
|
||
that by taking the most aggressive of all possible roles in the af
|
||
fair, and becoming its leader, he would guarantee the most com
|
||
plete protection for himself and his wife from the evil magic of
|
||
the Devil.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : There is no way to estimate how many of those accused
|
||
of witchcraft, and confined for long periods while undergoing
|
||
extreme tortures, took their own lives. James asserts this to be
|
||
very common, and no doubt it occurred with regularity. This may
|
||
have been the fate of Robert Grierson, one of the North Berwick
|
||
witches, who on April 1 5, 1 59 1, was said to have died in prison
|
||
"by the extremyty of the tortours applyed to him." Anyone con
|
||
fined in a prison cell who wanted to commit suicide would be
|
||
forced to use "extraordinary means," as James put it, since the
|
||
more common means would be unavailable.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: The cap and gown symbolized someone who had earned a
|
||
degree from a university.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5 : John Fian testified that the Devil came to his prison cell in
|
||
the middle of the night, dressed all in black, the same day he had
|
||
made his initial confession under torture, which he later retracted.
|
||
There is no mention of anyone else seeing the Devil in Fian's cell.
|
||
|
||
|
||
#### C HA P T E R V I I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
Two forms of the Devil's visible conversing in the earth,
|
||
with the reasons wherefore the one of them was commonest
|
||
in the time of the Papistry, and the other since then.
|
||
Those that deny the power of the Devil, deny the power of God,
|
||
and are guilty of the error of the Sadducees.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Has the Devil then power to appear to any other, except to such as
|
||
are his sworn disciples: especially since all oracles, and suchlike kinds
|
||
of illusions, were taken away and abolished by the coming of Christ?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Although it be true indeed that the brightness of the Gospel at his
|
||
coming, scaled the clouds of all these gross errors in paganism,
|
||
yet that these abusing spirits cease not ever since at some times to
|
||
appear, daily experience teaches us. Indeed, this difference is to be
|
||
marked between the forms of Satan's conversing visibly in the world.
|
||
For of two different forms thereof, the one of them by the spreading
|
||
of the Evangel, 1 and conquest of the white horse2 in the sixth chap
|
||
ter of the Revelation, is much hindered and become rarer thereby:
|
||
this, his appearing to any Christians, troubling of them outwardly,
|
||
or possessing of them constrainedly. 3 The other of them is become
|
||
commoner and more used since then, I mean by their unlawful arts,
|
||
whereupon our whole purpose has been. This we find by experience
|
||
|
||
|
||
143
|
||
|
||
|
||
144 DEMONOLOGY: THE SECOND BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
in this isle to be true. For as we know, more ghosts and spirits were
|
||
seen than tongue can tell in the time of blind Papistry in these coun
|
||
tries, where now by the contrary, a man shall scarcely all his time
|
||
hear once of such things. And yet were these unlawful arts far rarer
|
||
at that time, and never were so much heard of, nor so rife as they are
|
||
now.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
What should be the cause of that?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
The diverse nature of our sins procures at the justice of God diverse
|
||
sorts of punishments answering thereunto. And therefore as in the
|
||
time of the Papistry, our fathers erring grossly and through igno
|
||
rance, that mist of errors overshadowed the Devil to walk the more
|
||
familiarly among them, and as it were by childish and frightening
|
||
terrors, to mock and accuse their childish errors. By the contrary, we
|
||
now being sound of religion, and in our life rebelling to our profes
|
||
sion [of faith], God justly by that sin of rebellion, as Samuel calls it,
|
||
accuses our life [for] so willfully fighting against our profession.4
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Since you are entered now to speak of the appearing of spirits, I
|
||
would be glad to hear your opinion in that matter. For many deny
|
||
that any such spirits can appear in these days, as I have said.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Doubtlessly, who denies the power of the Devil would likewise deny
|
||
the power of God, if they could for shame. For since the Devil is
|
||
the very contrary opposite to God, there can be no better way to
|
||
know God, than by the contrary: as by the one's power (though a
|
||
creature), to admire the power of the great Creator; by the false
|
||
hood of the one, to consider the truth of the other; by the injustice
|
||
of the one, to consider the justice of the other; and by the cruelty
|
||
of the one, to consider the mercifulness of the other. And so forth
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE SECON D BOOK 145
|
||
|
||
|
||
in all the rest of the essence of God, and qualities of the Devil. But
|
||
I fear indeed, there be overmany Sadducees in this world, that deny
|
||
all kinds of spirits, for convincing of whose error, there is cause
|
||
enough, if there were no more, that God should permit at some
|
||
times spirits visible to make known.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK II, CHAPTER VII
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1: The Evangel (from the Greek: euangelion: "good news") is
|
||
the Gospel, or teachings of Jesus. Usually the word is applied to
|
||
the first four books of the New Testament.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: As I mentioned in the Introduction, James saw himself as
|
||
the brave knight mounted on the white horse of Revelation 6:2
|
||
and 1 9: 1 1, or at least as an agent serving that knight.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3: Obsession and possession by spirits.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: The rebellion of rationalism against faith during the Elizabe
|
||
than Age, which we now know as the English Renaissance, caused
|
||
the rise in the number of incidences of witchcraft, which accord
|
||
ing to James is a punishment of God for the sin of rebellion. By
|
||
contrast, in former times while Scotland was Catholic, the pun
|
||
ishment of God took the form of numerous sightings of ghosts
|
||
and other spiritual creatures, which was the punishment of God
|
||
against the sin of ignorance. We have two sins described here
|
||
the skepticism of modern times, and the ignorance of past times.
|
||
|
||
|
||
#### T H E T H I R D B O OK
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT
|
||
The description of all these kinds of spirits
|
||
that trouble men or women.
|
||
The conclusion of the whole dialogue.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P TE R I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
The division of spirits into four principal kinds.
|
||
The description of the first kind of them,
|
||
called spectra and umbriae mortuorum.
|
||
What is the best way to be free of their trouble.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
I pray you now then go forward in telling what you think fabulous,
|
||
or may be trusted in that case.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
That kind of the Devil's conversing in the earth, may be divided in
|
||
four different kinds, whereby he frightens and troubles the bodies of
|
||
men; for of the abusing of the soul, I have spoken already. The first
|
||
is, where spirits trouble some houses or solitary places. The second,
|
||
where spirits follow upon certain persons, and at diverse hours trou
|
||
ble them. The third, when they enter within them and possess them.
|
||
The fourth is these kinds of spirits that are called vulgarly the fairies.
|
||
Of the three former kinds, you heard already how they may artifi
|
||
cially be made by witchcraft to trouble folk. Now it rests to speak of
|
||
their natural coming, as it were, when not raised by witchcraft.
|
||
But generally I must forewarn you of one thing before I enter
|
||
into this purpose: that is, that although in my discoursing of them, I
|
||
divided them into diverse kinds, you must notwithstanding thereof
|
||
note my phrase of speaking in that; for doubtlessly they are in effect,
|
||
|
||
|
||
149
|
||
|
||
|
||
150 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
but all one kind of spirits, who for abusing the more of mankind
|
||
take on these sundry shapes, and use diverse forms of outward ac
|
||
tion, as if some were of nature better than others. Now I return to
|
||
my purpose.
|
||
As to the first kind of these spirits, they were called by the an
|
||
cients by diverse names, according as their actions were. For if they
|
||
were spirits that haunted some houses, by appearing in diverse and
|
||
horrible forms, and making great din, they were called lemures1 or
|
||
spectra. [2 ] If they appeared in likeness of any deceased to some friends
|
||
of his, they were called umbrae mortuorum. [3 ] And so innumerable styl
|
||
ings they got, according to their actions, as I have said already. As we
|
||
see by experience, how many stylings they have given them in our
|
||
|
||
language in the like manner. Of the appearing of these spirits, we
|
||
are certified by the Scriptures, where the prophet Isaiah, chapters
|
||
13 and 34, threatening the destruction of Babylon and Edam (Isaiah
|
||
13; Jeremiah 50), declares that it shall not only be wrecked, but shall
|
||
become so great a solitude, as it shall be the habitation of owlettes, 4
|
||
and of ZIIM and IIM,5 which are the proper Hebrew names for these
|
||
spirits.
|
||
The cause why they haunt solitary places, it is by reason that they
|
||
may frighten and shake the more the faith of such as them alone
|
||
frequenting such places. For our nature is such, as in company we
|
||
are not so soon moved to any such kind of fear, as being solitary,
|
||
which the Devil knowing well enough, he will not therefore assail
|
||
us but when we are weak. And besides that, God will not permit
|
||
him so to dishonor the societies and companies of Christians, as in
|
||
public times and places to walk visibly among them. On the other
|
||
part, when he troubles certain houses that are dwelt in, it is a sure
|
||
token either of gross ignorance, or of some gross and slanderous
|
||
sins among the inhabitants thereof, which God by that extraordinary
|
||
rod punishes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 15 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
But by what way or passage can these spirits enter in these houses,
|
||
seeing they allege that they will enter, door or window being shut?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
They will choose the passage for their entrance, according to the
|
||
form that they are in at that time. For if they have assumed a dead
|
||
body, whereinto they lodge themselves, they can easily enough open
|
||
without din any door or window, and enter thereat. And if they
|
||
enter as a spirit only, any place where the air may come in at is large
|
||
enough an entry for them: for as I said before, a spirit can occupy no
|
||
quantity.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
And will God then permit these wicked spirits to trouble the rest of
|
||
a dead body, before the resurrection thereof? Or if he wi so, I think
|
||
it should be of the reprobate only.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
What more is the rest troubled of a dead body, when the Devil car
|
||
ries it out of the grave to serve his turn for a space, than when the
|
||
witches take it up and disjoint it, or when swine root up the graves?
|
||
The rest, of them that the Scripture speaks of, is not meant by a
|
||
local remaining continually in one place, but by their resting from
|
||
their travails and miseries of this world, until their latter conjunction
|
||
again with the soul, at that time to receive full glory in both.
|
||
And that the Devil may use as well the ministry of the bodies of
|
||
the faithful in these cases, as of the unfaithful, there is no inconve
|
||
nience; for his hauntings with their bodies after they are dead can
|
||
nowise defile them, in respect of the soul's absence. And for any dis
|
||
honor it can be unto them, by what reason can it be greater than the
|
||
hanging, beheading, or many such shameful deaths that good men
|
||
will suffer? For there is nothing in the bodies of the faithful more
|
||
worthy of honor, or freer from corruption by nature, than in these
|
||
of the unfaithful, until the time they be purged and glorified in the
|
||
|
||
|
||
152 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
latter day, as is daily seen by the vile diseases and corruptions that
|
||
the bodies of the faithful are subject unto, as you will see clearly
|
||
proved, when I speak of the possessed and demoniacs.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Yet there are some that affirm to have haunted such places, where
|
||
these spirits are alleged to be, and could never hear nor see anything.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I think well: for that is only reserved to the secret knowledge of God,
|
||
|
||
whom he will permit to see such things and whom not.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But where these spirits haunt and trouble any houses, what is the
|
||
|
||
best way to banish them?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
By two means may only the remedy of such thing be procured. The
|
||
one is ardent prayer to God, both of these persons that are troubled
|
||
with them, and of that church whereof they are. The other is the
|
||
purging of themselves by amendment of life from such sins, as have
|
||
procured that extraordinary plague.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
And what means then these kinds of spirits, when they appear as the
|
||
shade of a person newly dead, or to die, to his friends?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
When they appear upon that occasion, they are called wraiths in
|
||
our language. Among the pagans the Devil used that much, to make
|
||
them believe that it was some good spirit that appeared to them
|
||
then, either to forewarn them of the death of their friend, or else to
|
||
discover unto them the will of the deceased, or what was the way of
|
||
his slaughter, as is written in the book of the Histories Prodigious. And
|
||
this way he easily deceived the pagans, because they knew not God.
|
||
And to that same effect is it, that he now appears in that manner to
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 153
|
||
|
||
|
||
some ignorant Christians. For he dare not so delude any that know
|
||
|
||
that neither can the spirit of the deceased return to his friend, or yet
|
||
an angel use such forms.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
And are not our werewolves one sort of these spirits also, that haunt
|
||
and trouble some houses or dwelling places?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
There has indeed been an old opinion of such like things; for by the
|
||
Greeks they were called lukanthropoi, which signifies man-wolves.6
|
||
But to tell you simply my opinion in this, if any such thing has been,
|
||
|
||
I take it to have proceeded but of a natural superabundance of mel
|
||
ancholy, which as we read, that it has made some think themselves
|
||
pitchers, and some horses, and some one kind of beast or other.
|
||
So suppose I that it has so vitiated the imagination and memory of
|
||
some, as per Iucida interualla/ it has so highly occupied them, that
|
||
they have thought themselves very wolves indeed at times, and so
|
||
have counterfeited their actions in going on their hands and feet,
|
||
pressing to devour women and children, fighting and snatching with
|
||
all the town dogs, and in using suchlike other brutish actions, and
|
||
so to become beasts by a strong apprehension, as Nebuchadnezzar
|
||
was seven years (Daniel 4).8 But as to their having and hiding of their
|
||
hard and shelly sloughs, I take that to be but learned by uncertain
|
||
report, the author of all lies.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES TO BOOK III, CH APTER I
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : Lemures, or ghosts of the dead, were sometimes divided into
|
||
two classes by the Romans-lares, the ghosts of good men, and
|
||
larvae, the ghosts of evil men.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: Our word "specter" comes from the Latin spectrum, "an ap
|
||
pearance or apparition."
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : "Shades of the dead."
|
||
|
||
|
||
154 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: Certain night spirits known to the Romans as stirges were
|
||
believed to come in the form of owls. "Large are their heads, fixed
|
||
is their gaze, for plunder are their beaks adapted; on their wings
|
||
is a grayish colour, crooked talons are on their claws. By night
|
||
they fly, and they seek the children unprotected by the nurse, and
|
||
pollute their bodies, dragged from their cradles. With their beaks
|
||
they are said to tear the entrails of the sucklings, and they have
|
||
their maws distended with the blood which they have swallowed"
|
||
(Ovid, Fasti, page 2 1 6). This is evidently the same sort of winged
|
||
night spirit that was fabled to visit Jewish children and stop their
|
||
breath. It was identified by Kabbalists with Lilith, originally a Bab
|
||
ylonian demoness who was elevated by Jewish Kabbalists to the
|
||
rank of queen of hell. Both spirits may have their origin in the
|
||
|
||
phenomenon known as crib death, or sudden infant death syn
|
||
drome. A small percentage of very young children, for no appar
|
||
ent reason, simply stop breathing in the middle of the night and
|
||
die.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: The spirits called in Hebrew ZIIM and liM are mentioned in
|
||
the notes of the King James Bible. Both are translated simply as
|
||
"wild beasts," the ZIIM as the "wild beasts of the desert" (Isaiah
|
||
1 3:2 1 ) and liM as the "wild beasts of the islands" (Isaiah 1 3:22).
|
||
Gesenius identifies TziiM (CJ<43><4A><EFBFBD>) as "dwellers in the desert," in
|
||
this case wild animals such as the jackal and ostrich, although the
|
||
term was also applied to desert nomads (Gesenius, Hebrew and
|
||
Chaldee Lexicon, page 708).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: The word "lycanthrope" is from the Greek ADKav9pwnocr
|
||
-ADKOCJ: a wolf; avepwnocr: a man. Summers quotes Richard
|
||
Rowlands, who in 1605 wrote on the topic: "The were-wolves are
|
||
certaine sorcerers, who hauing annoynted their bodyes, with an
|
||
oyntment which they make by the instinct of the deuil; and put
|
||
ting on a certaine inchanted gridel, do not only vnto the view of
|
||
others seeme as wolues, but to their own thinking haue both the
|
||
shape and nature of wolues, so long as they weare the said girdel.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 155
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 0
|
||
|
||
|
||
And they do dispose themselues as very wolues, in wurrying and
|
||
killing, and moste of humaine creatures" (Summers, The Were
|
||
wolf, page 3).
|
||
The account of the murders committed by Peter Stumpp in
|
||
Germany, who was executed for his crimes in 1 589, shows that
|
||
the belief in werewolves was still very much alive at the time the
|
||
North Berwick witches were supposed to be seeking the deaths
|
||
of James and Anne, and that it was inextricably mingled with a
|
||
belief in the power of sorcery and malice of the Devil. A year
|
||
after Stumpp's execution, a tract was published in London detail
|
||
ing his activities. Contained in it is the following account of how
|
||
Stumpp, called in the tract Stubbe Peeter, became a werewolf:
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Devil, who saw him a fit instrument to perform mis
|
||
|
||
chief as a wicked fiend pleased with the desire of wrong and
|
||
|
||
destruction, gave unto him a girdle which, being put around
|
||
|
||
him, he was straight transformed into the likeness of a greedy,
|
||
|
||
devouring wolf, strong and mighty, with eyes great and large,
|
||
|
||
which in the night sparkled like unto brands of fire, a mouth
|
||
|
||
great and wide, with most sharp and cruel teeth, a huge body
|
||
|
||
|
||
156 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
and mighty paws. And no sooner should he put off the same
|
||
|
||
girdle, but presently he should appear in his former shape, ac
|
||
|
||
cording to the proportion of a man, as if he had never been
|
||
|
||
changed. (Bores, The Damnable Life and Death of Stubbe Peeter,
|
||
|
||
1 590).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: "during lucid intervals"
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 8: Nebuchadnezzar, the king of Babylon, lost his reason for
|
||
seven years and lived in the open like a beast on wild plants, so
|
||
that his hair and beard became unkempt and his fingernails and
|
||
toenails grew long. See Daniel 4:33.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P TE R I I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
The description of the next two kinds of spirits, whereof the one
|
||
follows outwardly, the other possesses inwardly, the persons that
|
||
they trouble. That since all prophecies and visions are now ceased,
|
||
all spirits that appear in these forms are evil.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Come forward now to the rest of these kinds of spirits.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
As to the next two kinds, that is, either these that outwardly trouble
|
||
and follow some persons, or else inwardly possess them: I will con
|
||
join them in one, because as well the causes are alike in the persons
|
||
they are permitted to trouble, as also the ways whereby they may be
|
||
remedied and cured.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
What kind of persons are they that are used to being so troubled?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Two kinds especially: either such as being guilty of grievous
|
||
offences, God punishes by that horrible kind of scourge, or else
|
||
being persons of the best nature peradventure, that you shall find in
|
||
all the country about them, God permits them to be troubled in that
|
||
sort, for the trial of their patience, and wakening up of their zeal, for
|
||
admonishing of the beholders not to trust overmuch in themselves,
|
||
|
||
|
||
157
|
||
|
||
|
||
158 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
since they are made of no better stuff, and peradventure blotted
|
||
with no smaller sins (as Christ said, speaking of them upon whom
|
||
the tower in Siloam fell (Luke 13)); and for giving likewise to the
|
||
spectators, matter to praise God, that they meriting no better, are
|
||
yet spared from being corrected in that fearful form.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
These are good reasons for the part of God, which apparently moves
|
||
him so to permit the Devil to trouble such persons. But since the
|
||
Devil has ever a contrary respect in all the actions that God employs
|
||
him in, which is, I pray you, the end and mark he shoots at in this
|
||
turn?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
It is to obtain one of two things thereby, if he may. The one is the
|
||
tinsel of their life, by inducing them to such perilous places at such
|
||
times as he either follows or possesses them, which may procure the
|
||
same: and such like, so far as God will permit him, by tormenting
|
||
them to weaken their bodies, and cast them into incurable diseases.
|
||
The other thing that he wishes to obtain by troubling of them, is
|
||
the tinsel of their soul, by enticing them to mistrust and blaspheme
|
||
God, either for the intolerableness of their torments, as he assayed
|
||
to have done with job (Job 10), or else for his promising unto them
|
||
to leave the troubling of them, in case they would so do, as is known
|
||
by experience at this same time by the confession of a young one
|
||
that was so troubled.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Since you have spoken now of both these kinds of spirits, compre
|
||
hending them in one, I must now go back again in casting some
|
||
questions of every one of these kinds in particular. And first for
|
||
these that follow certain persons, you know that there are two sorts
|
||
of them: one sort that troubles and torments the persons that they
|
||
haunt with, and another sort that are serviceable unto them in all
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 159
|
||
|
||
|
||
kinds of their necessities, and omit never to forewarn them of any
|
||
sudden peril that they are to be in. And so in this case, I would under
|
||
stand whether both these sorts be but wicked and damned spirits, or
|
||
if the last sort be rather angels (as should appear by their actions)
|
||
sent by God to assist such as he specially favors. For it is written in
|
||
the Scriptures, that God sends legions of angels to guard and watch
|
||
over his elect (Genesis 32; I Kings 6; Psalms 34).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I know well enough wherefrom that error which you allege has pro
|
||
ceeded: for it was the ignorant pagans that were the fountain thereof.
|
||
Who for that they knew not God, they forged in their own imagina
|
||
tions, every man to be still accompanied with two spirits, whereof
|
||
they called the one genius bonus, the other genius malus. [1 ] The Greeks
|
||
called them endaimona and kakodaimona, whereof the former they
|
||
said, persuaded him to all the good he did, the other enticed him to
|
||
all the evil. But praised be God we that are Christians, and walk not
|
||
among the Cimmerian2 conjectures of man, know well enough that
|
||
it is the good spirit of God only, who is the fountain of all goodness,
|
||
that persuades us to the thinking or doing of any good; and that it
|
||
is our corrupted flesh and Satan that entice us to the contrary. And
|
||
yet the Devil for confirming in the heads of ignorant Christians, that
|
||
error first maintained among the pagans, he bides among the first
|
||
kind of spirits that I speak of, appeared in time of Papistry and blind
|
||
ness, and haunted diverse houses, without doing any evil, but doing
|
||
as it were necessary tasks up and down the house: and this spirit they
|
||
called brownie3 in our language, who appeared like a rough man;
|
||
yea, some were so blinded, as to believe that their house was all the
|
||
more prosperous, as they called it, that such spirits resorted there.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But since the Devil's intention in all his actions is ever to do evil,
|
||
what evil was there in that form of doing, since their actions out
|
||
wardly were good?
|
||
|
||
|
||
I60 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
Was it not evil enough to deceive simple ignorants, in making them
|
||
to take him for an angel of light, and so to account of God's enemy,
|
||
as of their particular friend: where by the contrary, all we that are
|
||
Christians ought assuredly to know that since the coming of Christ
|
||
in the flesh, and establishing of his church by the apostles, all mir
|
||
acles, visions, prophecies, and appearances of angels or good spir
|
||
its are ceased. 4 Which served only for the first sowing of faith, and
|
||
planting of the church. Where now the church being established,
|
||
and the white horse5 whereof I spoke before, having made his con
|
||
quest, the law and prophets are thought sufficient to serve us, or
|
||
make us inexcusable, as Christ says in his parable of Lazarus and the
|
||
rich man (Luke 16).
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES TO BOOK III, CH APTER II
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1: The good spirit and the evil spirit. It is from this ancient
|
||
pagan belief that we get the Christian fable that everyone has a
|
||
angel on their right shoulder and a devil on their left shoulder,
|
||
forever whispering suggestions into their ears.
|
||
|
||
Note 2: The distant northern land of Cimmeria was said by the
|
||
Greek poet Homer to be a land of perpetual mists and darkness.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3: "The Nis, Kobold, or Goblin, appears in Scotland under the
|
||
name of Brownie. Brownie is a personage of small stature, wrin
|
||
kled visage, covered with short curly brown hair, and wearing a
|
||
brown mantle and hood. His residence is the hollow of an old
|
||
tree, a ruined castle, or the abode of man. He is attached to par
|
||
ticular families, with whom he has been known to reside, even for
|
||
centuries, threshing the corn, cleaning the house, and doing ev
|
||
erything done by his northern and English brethren" (Keightley,
|
||
The Fairy Mythology, pages 357-358).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: By denying the possibility of any form of miracle, proph
|
||
ecy, or vision since the time of Christ, James is able to class all
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 161
|
||
|
||
|
||
supernatural events as devilish, no matter what their nature or
|
||
utility. His sweeping statement excludes the miracles of God,
|
||
the angels, and the saints that have been given formal recogni
|
||
tion by the Catholic Church. From the perspective of James, the
|
||
appearance of the stigmata, or wounds of Christ, on the hands
|
||
of a pious Christian would be regarded as devilish, and a sign of
|
||
some hidden sin; the miraculous restoration of sight to the blind
|
||
at Lourdes would be dismissed as a ruse by Satan intended to be
|
||
guile the ignorant. There is something of the fanatic in this com
|
||
prehensive rejection of even the possibility of any divine super
|
||
natural event, coupled with a willingness to believe in the most
|
||
fantastic supernatural evils.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: Another reference to the white horse of Revelation 19: 1 1,
|
||
which was a symbol of profound personal significance to James.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA PTER III
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
The description of a particular sort of that kind of following spirit,
|
||
called incubi and succubi. And what is the reason wherefore
|
||
these kinds of spirits haunt most the northern
|
||
and barbarous parts of the world.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
The next question that I would speak, is likewise concerning this first
|
||
of these two kinds of spirits that you have conjoined, and it is this:
|
||
you know how it is commonly written and reported, that among the
|
||
rest of the sorts of spirits that follow certain persons, there is one
|
||
more monstrous than all the rest, in respect as it is alleged they have
|
||
intercourse naturally with them whom they trouble and haunt with?
|
||
And therefore I would know in two things your opinion herein: first,
|
||
if such a thing can be; and next, if it be, whether there be a differ
|
||
ence of sexes among these spirits, or not.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
That abominable kind of the Devil's abusing of men or women was
|
||
called of old incubi and succubi, according to the difference of the
|
||
sexes that they had congress with. 1 By two means this great kind of
|
||
abuse might possibly be performed. The one, when the Devil only as
|
||
a spirit, and stealing out the sperm of a dead body, abuses them that
|
||
way, they not clearly seeing any shape or feeling any thing, but that
|
||
which he so conveys in that part: as we read of a monastery of nuns
|
||
|
||
|
||
164 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
which were burnt for their being that way abused. The other means
|
||
it when he borrows a dead body and so visibly, and as it seems unto
|
||
them naturally, as a man copulates with them.
|
||
But it is to be noted, that in whatsoever way he uses it, that sperm
|
||
seems intolerably cold to the person abused. For if he steals out the
|
||
nature of a living person, it cannot be so quickly carried, but it will
|
||
both lose the strength and heat by the way, which it could never have
|
||
had for lack of agitation, which in the time of procreation is the pro
|
||
curer and wakener up of these two natural qualities. And if he oc
|
||
cupying the dead body as his lodging, expel the same out thereof in
|
||
the due time, it must likewise be cold by the participation with the
|
||
qualities of the dead body whereout of it comes.
|
||
And whereas you inquire if these spirits be divided in sexes or
|
||
not, I think the rules of philosophy may easily resolve a man of the
|
||
contrary: for it is a sure principle of that art, that nothing can be di
|
||
vided in sexes, except such living bodies as must have a natural seed
|
||
to generate by. But we know spirits have no seed proper to them
|
||
selves, nor yet can they engender one with another.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
How is it then that they say various monsters have been gotten by
|
||
that way?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
These tales are nothing but aniles fabulae.2 For that they have no
|
||
semen of their own, I have shown you already. And that the cold
|
||
semen of a dead body can work nothing in generation, it is more
|
||
than plain, as being already dead of itself as well as the rest of the
|
||
body is, wanting the natural heat, and such other natural operations,
|
||
as are necessary for working that effect. And in case such a thing
|
||
were possible (which were all utterly against all rules of nature), it
|
||
would breed no monster, but only such a natural offspring as would
|
||
have come between that man or woman and that other abused per
|
||
son, in case they both being alive had had ado with [each] other.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 165
|
||
|
||
|
||
For the Devil's part therein is but the naked carrying or expelling of
|
||
that substance, and so it could not participate with no quality of the
|
||
same.
|
||
Indeed, it is possible to the craft of the Devil to make a woman's
|
||
belly to swell after he hath that way abused her, which he may do
|
||
either by stirring up her own humor, or by herbs, as we see beggars
|
||
daily do;1 and when the time of her delivery should come to make
|
||
her labor with great anguish, like unto that natural course, and
|
||
then subtly to slip into the midwife's hands sticks, stones, or some
|
||
monstrous child brought from some other place. But this is more
|
||
reported and guessed at by others, than believed by me.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But what is the cause that this kind of abuse is thought to be most
|
||
common in such wild parts of the world, as Lapland and Finland,4 or
|
||
in our north isles of Orkney and Shetland?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Because where the Devil finds greatest ignorance and barbarity,
|
||
there assails he most grossly, as I gave you the reason wherefore
|
||
there were more witches of womenkind than men.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Can any be so unhappy as to give their willing consent to the Devil's
|
||
vile abusing them in this form?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Yea, some of the witches have confessed that he has persuaded them
|
||
to give their willing consent thereunto, that he may thereby have
|
||
them tangled the deeper in his snares; but as the other compelled
|
||
sort is to be pitied and prayed for, so is this most highly to be pun
|
||
ished and detested.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
It is not the thing which we call the mare, which takes folks sleeping
|
||
in their beds, a kind of these spirits, whereof you are speaking?
|
||
|
||
|
||
166 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
No, that is but a natural sickness, which the mediciners have given
|
||
that name of incubus unto, ab incubando, because it being a thick
|
||
phlegm, falling into our breast upon the heart while we are sleep
|
||
ing, intercedes so our vital spirits, and takes all power from us, as to
|
||
make us think that there were some unnatural burden or spirit lying
|
||
upon us and holding us down.5
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES TO BOOK III, CH APTER III
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : The incubus is a sexual spirit in the form of a male, and
|
||
the succubus a sexual spirit in the form of a female. It was be
|
||
lieved by many demonologists that this appearance of gender was
|
||
not an essential part of the nature of these spirits, but that they
|
||
could change from male to female at will, depending on the sex
|
||
of the person with whom they intended to have intercourse. How
|
||
spirits copulated with humans, whether they stole human semen
|
||
to inject into the womb during these unions, and whether it was
|
||
possible that such lovemaking could result in pregnancy, were all
|
||
topics of hot debate. However, there was general agreement that
|
||
the incidence of willing sexual union with spirits had increased in
|
||
recent times.
|
||
|
||
|
||
But the theory that modern witches are tainted with this
|
||
|
||
sort of diabolical filthiness is not substantiated only in our opin
|
||
|
||
ion, since the expert testimony of the witches themselves has
|
||
|
||
made all these things credible; and that they do not now, as in
|
||
|
||
times past, subj ect themselves unwillingly, but willingly em
|
||
|
||
brace this most foul and miserable servitude. For how many
|
||
|
||
women have we left to be punished by secular law in various di
|
||
|
||
oceses, especially in Constance and the town of Ratisbon, who
|
||
|
||
have been for many years addicted to these abominations, some
|
||
|
||
from their twentieth and some from their twelfth or thirteenth
|
||
|
||
year, and always with a total or partial abnegation of the Faith?
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY : THE THIRD BOOK 167
|
||
|
||
|
||
All the inhabitants of these places are witnesses of it. For with
|
||
|
||
out reckoning those who secretly repented, and those who re
|
||
|
||
turned to the Faith, no less than forty-eight have been burned in
|
||
|
||
five years. (Kramer and Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, page I l l )
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: "old wives' tales"
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3: James seems to mean that in his day one could often see fe
|
||
male beggars who had eaten specific herbs in order to swell their
|
||
bellies and make themselves appear pregnant, and so increase the
|
||
amount of charity they might receive. However, it may have been
|
||
the case that beggars would eat wild herbs merely to ease their
|
||
hunger, and end up with distended stomachs as a result of the
|
||
noxious properties of the plants they had consumed. Even in the
|
||
absence of herbs, hunger itself will distend the belly
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: That sexual unions with spirits were more common in Lap
|
||
land, Finland, and other northerly parts of the world is probable
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
!68 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
since shamanism survived as an active religion in these places dur
|
||
ing the Jacobean period, and a feature of shamanism is marriage
|
||
between the shaman and supernatural beings, who act as the sha
|
||
man's tutelary and serving spirits.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: This is now referred to as "sleep paralysis." The theory is
|
||
that the body is naturally held immobile in dreams to prevent
|
||
us thrashing around and injuring ourselves, and sometimes we
|
||
become conscious while this physical inhibitor is still in effect,
|
||
making us feel as through we are being pressed or stifled. Having
|
||
personally experienced the mare on numerous occasions, I can
|
||
state that it is a very clear and distinct feeling of palpable weight
|
||
pressing on a particular part of the body, but not on the rest of
|
||
|
||
the body. Sometimes there is a sensation of the weight shifting,
|
||
as though whatever causes it were moving around. This sensation
|
||
of weight is accompanied by an inability to move the limbs that
|
||
must be consciously and willfully thrown off. I suspect that the
|
||
sensation of weight, and the inability to move, are not directly
|
||
connected; that the first is caused by a spiritual creature, and the
|
||
second by our natural sleep paralysis.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P TE R I V
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
The description of the demoniacs and possessed.
|
||
By what reason the Papists may have power to cure them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Well, I have told you now all my doubts, and you have satisfied me
|
||
therein, concerning the first of these two kinds of spirits that you
|
||
have conjoined. Now I am to inquire only two things at you con
|
||
cerning the last kind, I mean the demoniacs. The first is, whereby
|
||
shall these possessed folks be discerned from them that are troubled
|
||
with a natural frenzy or mania? The next is, how can it be that they
|
||
can be remedied by the Papist's church, whom we count as heretics?
|
||
It should appear that one devil should not cast out another, for then
|
||
would his kingdom be divided in itself, as Christ said (Matthew 1 2 ;
|
||
Mark 3).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
As to your first question, there are diverse symptoms whereby that
|
||
heavy trouble may be discerned from a natural sickness, and spe
|
||
cially three, omitting the diverse vain signs that the Papists attribute
|
||
unto it, such as the raging at holy water, their fleeing aback from the
|
||
cross, their not abiding the hearing of God named, and innumerable
|
||
such like vain things that were alike tiresome and worthless to recite.
|
||
But to come to these three symptoms then, whereof I spoke, I ac
|
||
count the one of them to be the incredible strength of the possessed
|
||
|
||
|
||
170 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
creature, which will far exceed the strength of six of the stoutest and
|
||
strongest of any other men that are not so troubled.' The next is
|
||
the rising up so far of the patient's breast and belly, with such an un
|
||
natural stirring and vehement agitation with them, and such an iron
|
||
hardness of his sinews so stiffly bended out, that it were not pos
|
||
sible to prick out, as it were, the skin of any other person so far: so
|
||
mightily works the Devil in all the members and senses of his body,
|
||
he being locally within the same; although of his soul and affections
|
||
thereof, he has no more power than over any other man's. The last
|
||
is the speaking of different languages, which the patient is known by
|
||
them that were acquainted with him never to have learned, and that
|
||
with an uncouth and hollow voice, and all the time of his speaking,
|
||
|
||
a greater motion being in his breast than in his mouth.2 But from
|
||
this last symptom is excepted such as are altogether, in the time of
|
||
their possessing, bereft of all their senses, being possessed with a
|
||
dumb and blind spirit, whereof Christ relieved one, in the twelfth
|
||
chapter of Matthew.
|
||
And as to your next demand, it is first to be doubted if the Papists
|
||
or any not professing the only true religion, can relieve any of that
|
||
trouble. And next, in case they can, upon what respects it is possible
|
||
unto them. As to the former, upon two reasons it is grounded. First,
|
||
that it is known so many of them to be counterfeit, which deception
|
||
the clergy invents for confirming of their rotten religion. The next
|
||
is, that by experience we find that few who are possessed indeed are
|
||
fully cured by them: but rather the Devil is content to release the
|
||
bodily hurting of them, for a short space, thereby to obtain the per
|
||
petual hurt of the souls of so many that by these false miracles may
|
||
be induced or confirmed in the profession of that erroneous reli
|
||
gion: even as I told you before that he does in the false cures, or cast
|
||
ing off of diseases by witches.
|
||
As to the other part of the argument, in case they can, which
|
||
rather (with reverence of the learned thinking otherwise) I am in
|
||
duced to believe, by reason of the faithful report that men sound of
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 171
|
||
|
||
|
||
religion have made according to their sight thereof, I think if so be, I
|
||
say these may be the respects whereupon the Papists may have that
|
||
power. Christ gave a commission and power to his apostles to cast
|
||
out devils, which they accordingly thereunto put into execution. The
|
||
rules he had them observe in that action were fasting and prayer, and
|
||
the action itself [was] to be done in his name. This power of theirs
|
||
proceeded not, then, of any virtue in them, but only in him who
|
||
directed them. As was clearly proved by judas, his having as great
|
||
power in that commission as any of the rest. It is easy, then, to be
|
||
understood that the casting out of devils is by the virtue of fasting
|
||
and prayer, and invoking of the name of God, even though many
|
||
imperfections be in the person that is the instrument, as Christ him
|
||
self teaches us of the power that false prophets shall have to cast out
|
||
devils (Matthew 7). It is no wonder, then, these respects of this ac
|
||
tion being considered, that it may be possible to the Papists, though
|
||
erring in various points of religion, to accomplish this, if they use
|
||
the right form prescribed by Christ herein. For what the worse is
|
||
that action, that they err in other things, more than their baptism
|
||
is the worse that they err in the other sacrament, and have added
|
||
many vain freits to the baptism itself.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Surely it is no little wonder that God should permit the bodies of
|
||
any of the faithful to be so dishonored, as to be a dwelling place to
|
||
that unclean spirit.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
There is it which I told right now, would prove and strengthen my
|
||
argument of the Devil's entering in the dead bodies of the faithful.
|
||
For if he is permitted to enter in their living bodies, even when they
|
||
are joined with the soul, how much more will God permit him to
|
||
enter in their dead carcasses, which is no more man, but the filthy
|
||
and corruptible case of man. For as Christ says, it is not anything
|
||
|
||
|
||
172 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
that enters within man that defiles him, but only that which pro
|
||
ceeds and comes out of him (Mark 7).
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK III, CHAPTER IV
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : James was himself the witness of a case of possession on
|
||
Christmas Eve, 1 590, during the interrogation of John Fian. It
|
||
is described in News From Scotland. Fian confessed to having be
|
||
witched a man so that for one hour every day he fell into a raving
|
||
fit. It seems likely that Pian was aware of this man's bizarre men
|
||
tal illness, which was probably well-known in the area where he
|
||
lived, and in an attempt to avoid more torture, Fian confessed to
|
||
having caused the fits through witchcraft.
|
||
james had the man brought before him in the King's chamber,
|
||
and watched the possession happen. Suddenly the man gave a
|
||
screech and began to bend his body and caper about and spring
|
||
up so that his head touched the ceiling of the room. Those with
|
||
James who were watching this Christmas entertainment tried to
|
||
hold the man down, but he was too strong for them. More at
|
||
tendants had to be called in so that he could be tied up until his
|
||
fit passed. When he came to his senses, James asked him what
|
||
awareness he retained of his actions, and the man told him that
|
||
he had been asleep.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: In Greek and Roman times, those from whom issued the
|
||
voices of spirits were known as belly-speakers, or ventriloquists
|
||
(venter: "belly,"' loquor: "to speak"). They were characterized in this
|
||
way because the voices of the spirits did not seem to come from
|
||
the mouths of the possessed individuals, but from their abdom
|
||
inal regions. The term is now applied to stage performers who
|
||
pretend to throw their voices outside themselves.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P T E R V
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT:
|
||
The description of the fourth kind of spirits called the fairies.
|
||
What is possible therein, and what is but illusion. How far this
|
||
dialogue entreats of all these things, and to what end.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Now I pray you, come on to that fourth kind of spirits.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
That fourth kind of spirits, which by the pagans was called Diana
|
||
and her wandering court, 1 and among us was called the fairies (as
|
||
|
||
I told you), or our Good Neighbours/ was one of the sorts of illu
|
||
sions that was rifest in the time of Papistry. For although it was held
|
||
odious to prophesy by the Devil, yet whom this kind of spirits car
|
||
ried away and informed, they were thought to be luckiest and of
|
||
best life. To speak of the many vain prattles founded upon that illu
|
||
sion, how there was a king and queen of fairy, of such a jolly court
|
||
and train as they had, how they had a tithe and duty, as it were, of
|
||
all goods, how they naturally rode and went, ate and drank, and did
|
||
all other actions like natural men and women, I think it more like
|
||
Virgil's Campi Elysii, 3 than anything that ought to be believed by
|
||
Christians, except in general, that as I spoke various times before,
|
||
the Devil deludes the senses of many simple creatures, in making
|
||
them believe that they saw and heard such things as were nothing so
|
||
indeed.
|
||
|
||
|
||
173
|
||
|
||
|
||
174 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
But how can it be then, that many witches have gone to death with
|
||
that confession, that they have been transported with the fairies
|
||
to such a hill, 4 which opening, they went in, and there saw a fairy
|
||
queen, who being now lighter, gave them a stone5 that had various
|
||
virtues, which at different times has been produced in judgement?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I say that, even as I said before of that imaginary ravishing of the
|
||
spirit forth of the body. For may not the Devil present to their fan
|
||
tasy, their senses being dulled, and as it were asleep, such hills and
|
||
houses within them, such glistening courts and trains, and what
|
||
soever such like wherewith he pleases to delude them? And in the
|
||
|
||
meantime, their bodies being senseless, to convey into their hands
|
||
any stone or such like thing, which he makes them to imagine to
|
||
have received in such a place.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But what say you to their foretelling the death of various persons,
|
||
whom they allege to have seen in these places? That is a sooth-dream
|
||
(as they say) since they see it walking.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
I think that either they have not been sharply enough examined, that
|
||
gave so blunt a reason for their prophecy, or otherwise, I think it
|
||
likewise as possible that the Devil may prophesy to them when he
|
||
deceives their imaginations in that sort, as well as when he plainly
|
||
speaks unto them at other times; for their prophesying is but a kind
|
||
of vision, as it were, wherein he commonly counterfeits God among
|
||
the pagans, as I told you before.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
I would know now whether these kinds of spirits may only appear
|
||
to witches, or if they may also appear to any other.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 175
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
They may do to both. To the innocent sort, either to affright them,
|
||
or to seem to be a better sort of folk than unclean spirits are; and to
|
||
the witches, to be a color of safety6 for them, that ignorant magis
|
||
trates may not punish them for it, as I told even now. But as the one
|
||
sort, for being perforce troubled with them ought to be pitied, so
|
||
ought the other sort (who may be discerned by their taking upon
|
||
them to prophesy by them), that sort I say, ought as severely to be
|
||
punished as any other witches, and rather the more, in that they go
|
||
dissemblingly to work.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
And what makes the spirits have so different names from others?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Even the knavery of that same Devil, who as he deludes the necro
|
||
mancers with innumerable feigned names for him and his angels,
|
||
as in particular making Satan, Beelzebub, and Lucifer to be three
|
||
different spirits, where we find the two former but different names
|
||
given to the prince of all the rebelling angels by the Scripture. As by
|
||
Christ, the prince of all the devils is called Beelzebub in that place
|
||
which I alleged against the power of any heretics to cast out devils.
|
||
By john in the Revelation, the old tempter is called Satan, the prince
|
||
of all the evil angels. And last, to wit, Lucifer is but by allegory taken
|
||
from the Day Star7 (so named in diverse places of the Scriptures)
|
||
because of his excellence (I mean the prince of them) in his creation
|
||
before his fall. Even so I say he deceives the witches by attributing to
|
||
himself diverse names, as if every different shape that he transforms
|
||
himself into were a different kind of spirit.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
But I have heard many more strange tales of these fairies, than you
|
||
have yet told me.
|
||
|
||
|
||
176 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
As well I do in that, as I did in all the rest of my discourse. For
|
||
because the ground of this conference of ours proceeded of your
|
||
inquiring at me at our meeting, if there were such a thing as witches
|
||
or spirits, and if they had any power, I therefore have framed my
|
||
whole discourse only to prove that such things are and may be, by
|
||
such number of examples as I show to be possible by reason, and
|
||
keep myself from dipping any further in playing the part of a dic
|
||
tionary, to tell whatever I have read or heard in that purpose, which
|
||
both would exceed faith, and rather would seem to teach such
|
||
unlawful arts, not to disallow and condemn them, as it is the duty of
|
||
all Christians to do.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON BOOK III, CHAPTER V
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : Summers quotes from the work De ecclesiasticis disciplinis of
|
||
the Abbot Regina of Priim, written in 906:
|
||
|
||
|
||
This too must by no means be passed over that certain ut
|
||
|
||
terly abandoned women, turning aside to follow Satan, being
|
||
|
||
seduced by the illusions and phantasmical shows of demons
|
||
|
||
firmly believe and openly profess that in the dead of night they
|
||
|
||
ride upon certain beasts along with the pagan goddess Diana
|
||
|
||
and a countless horde of women, and that in those silent hours
|
||
|
||
they fly over vast tracts of country and obey her as their mis
|
||
|
||
tress, whilst on certain other nights they are summoned to
|
||
|
||
do her homage and pay her service (Summers, The History of
|
||
|
||
Witchcraft and Demonology, page 1 2 1).
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: Fairies were sometimes referred to as "the good folk" as a
|
||
form of avertive magic, to propitiate them and turn aside their
|
||
wrath. It is exactly the same impulse of human nature that caused
|
||
the Greeks to refer to the Furies, who originally were named the
|
||
Erinyes (Angry Ones) as the Eumenides (Gracious Ones). The
|
||
true character of fairies was strange and terrifying, and no man or
|
||
woman wished to encounter them alone in the mists of twilight.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 177
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 2
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : The Elysian Fields, described by the Roman poet Virgil in
|
||
his epic the Aeneid, Book VI, lines 637-659.
|
||
|
||
Note 4: "There is scarcely a district of the Highlands without its
|
||
fairy knoll, generally the greenest hillock in the place" (Evans
|
||
Wentz, The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries, page 86). The fairies
|
||
were thought to dwell in the depths of these hills in hidden cav
|
||
erns and passageways. Those who climbed the hill might chance
|
||
to see the fairies dancing in a ring on the grass. If they inadver
|
||
tently offended the good people, for example by refusing an offer
|
||
of hospitality, they might find themselves suddenly swept under
|
||
the hill and unable to escape. Entire palaces were said to be be
|
||
neath these hills.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5: This perhaps refers to the elf-shot or fairy arrow (saighead
|
||
sith), a stone arrowhead, or a stone shaped like an arrowhead,
|
||
which was believed to have been made by fairies, and to possess
|
||
magical properties. It was thrown or shot by unseen fairies at
|
||
those who ventured too near their habitations.
|
||
|
||
|
||
178 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: In Scottish law, a "color" was a plea that seems probable
|
||
but was actually without solid merit-what we might today refer
|
||
to as a "technicality." It was usually raised in an attempt to get a
|
||
decision moved from the hands of the jury into the hands of the
|
||
judges.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: The planet Venus, when seen in the mornings in the east,
|
||
is known as the Morning Star, and was sometimes poetically re
|
||
ferred to as Lucifer, a name that literally means "light-bringing"
|
||
or "light-bearer" (lucis: "light," ferre: "to bear"). It is fabled to be
|
||
the original name of Satan before his expulsion from heaven.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### CHA P TE R V I
|
||
|
||
ARGUMENT :
|
||
Of the trial and punishment of witches. What sort of accusation
|
||
ought to be admitted against them. What is the cause of the
|
||
increasing so far of their number in this age.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
Then to make an end of our conference, since I see it draws late,
|
||
what form of punishment think you merit these magicians and
|
||
witches? For I see that you account them to be all alike guilty.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
They ought to be put to death according to the law of God, the civil
|
||
|
||
and imperial law, and municipal law of all Christian nations.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
But what kind of death, I pray you?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
It is commonly used by fire, but that is an indifferent thing to be
|
||
used in every country, according to the law or custom thereof.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
But ought no sex, age, nor rank to be exempted?
|
||
|
||
|
||
179
|
||
|
||
|
||
180 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
None at all (being so used by the lawful magistrate), 1 for it is the
|
||
highest point of idolatry, wherein no exception is admitted by the
|
||
law of God.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Then children may not be spared?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
Yea, not a hair the less of my conclusion. For they are not that capa
|
||
ble of reason as to practice such things. And for any being in com
|
||
pany and not revealing thereof, their less and ignorant age will no
|
||
doubt excuse them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
I see you condemn them all that are of the counsel of such crafts.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
No doubt, for as I said, speaking of magic, the consulters, trusters
|
||
in, overlookers, entertainers, or stirrers up of these craftsfolk, are
|
||
equally guilty with themselves that are the practitioners.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
Whether may the prince, then, or supreme magistrate, spare or
|
||
overlook any that are guilty of that craft, upon some great respects
|
||
known to him?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
The prince or magistrate for further trials' cause, may delay the pun
|
||
ishing of them such a certain space as he thinks convenient: but in
|
||
the end, to spare the life, and not to strike when God bids strike, and
|
||
so severely punish in so odious a fault and treason against God, it is
|
||
not only unlawful, but doubtless no less sin in that magistrate than
|
||
it was in Saul's sparing of Agag (I Samuel 1 5). And so comparable to
|
||
the sin of witchcraft itself, as Samuel alleged at that time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK I8I
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
Surely then, I think since this ought to be so severely punished,
|
||
|
||
judges ought to beware to condemn any, but such as they are sure
|
||
|
||
are guilty; neither should the clattering report of an accused old
|
||
|
||
woman serve in so weighty a case.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
Judges ought indeed to beware whom they condemn, for it is as
|
||
|
||
great a crime (as Solomon says) to condemn the innocent, as to let
|
||
the guilty escape free (Proverbs 1 7); neither ought the report of any
|
||
one infamous person be admitted for a sufficient proof, which can
|
||
|
||
stand of no law.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
And what may a number then of guilty persons' confessions work
|
||
against one that is accused?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
The assize must serve for interpreter of our law in that respect. But
|
||
in my opinion, since in a matter of treason against the prince, chil
|
||
dren or wives or never so defamed persons may of our law serve for
|
||
|
||
sufficient witnesses and proofs, I think surely that by a far greater
|
||
|
||
reason, such witnesses may be sufficient in matters of high treason
|
||
|
||
against God. For who but witches can be proofs, and so witnesses,
|
||
of the doings of witches?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
Indeed, I trust they will be loath to prosecute any honest man upon
|
||
their counsel. But what if they accuse folk to have been present at
|
||
their imaginary conventions in the spirit, when their bodies lie sense
|
||
less, as you have said?
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
I think they are not a hair the less guilty, for the Devil dared never
|
||
have borrowed their shade or likeness to that turn, if their consent
|
||
|
||
|
||
182 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
had not been at it, and the consent in these turns is death under the
|
||
|
||
law.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
Then Samuel was a witch: for the Devil resembled his shape, and
|
||
|
||
played his person, in giving response to Saul.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
Samuel was dead as well before that, and so none could slander him
|
||
|
||
with meddling in that unlawful art. For the cause why, as I take it,
|
||
|
||
that God will not permit Satan to use the shapes or similitudes of any
|
||
|
||
innocent person at such unlawful times, is that God will not permit
|
||
|
||
that any innocent person shall be slandered with that vile defection. 2
|
||
|
||
For then the Devil would find ways anew to calumniate the best. And
|
||
|
||
this we have in proof by them that are carried with the fairies, who
|
||
|
||
never see the shades of any in that court, but of them that thereafter
|
||
|
||
are tried for having been brethren and sisters of that craft. And this
|
||
|
||
was likewise proved by the confession of a young lass, troubled with
|
||
|
||
spirits, laid on her by witchcraft. That although she saw the shapes
|
||
|
||
of diverse men and women troubling her, and named the persons
|
||
|
||
whom these shades represented, yet never one of them was found to
|
||
|
||
be innocent, but all clearly tried to be most guilty, and the most part
|
||
|
||
of them confessed the same.
|
||
|
||
And besides that, I think it has been seldom heard tell of, that
|
||
|
||
any whom persons guilty of that crime accused, as having known
|
||
|
||
them to be their companions by eyesight, and not by hearsay, but
|
||
|
||
such as were so accused of witchcraft could not be clearly tried upon
|
||
|
||
them, were at the least publicly known to be of a very evil life and
|
||
|
||
reputation: so jealous is God I say, of the fame of them that are in
|
||
|
||
nocent in such causes. And besides that, there are two other good
|
||
|
||
helps that may be used for their trial. The one is the finding of their
|
||
|
||
mark, and the trying of the insensibleness thereof. The other is their
|
||
|
||
floating on the water: for as in a secret murder, if the dead carcass
|
||
|
||
be at any time thereafter handled by the murderer, it will gush out
|
||
|
||
|
||
DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK 183
|
||
|
||
|
||
of blood, as if the blood were crying to the heaven for revenge of
|
||
|
||
the murderer, God having appointed that secret supernatural sign,
|
||
|
||
for trial of that secret unnatural crime; so it appears that God has
|
||
|
||
appointed (for a supernatural sign of the monstrous impiety of the
|
||
|
||
witches) that the water shall refuse to receive them in her bosom,
|
||
|
||
that have shaken off them the sacred water of baptism, and willfully
|
||
|
||
refused the benefit thereof. No, not so much as their eyes are able to
|
||
|
||
shed tears (threaten and torture them as you please) before first they
|
||
|
||
repent (God not permitting them to dissemble their obstinacy in so
|
||
|
||
horrible a crime), albeit the womenkind especially, be able otherwise
|
||
|
||
to shed tears at every light occasion when they will; yea, although it
|
||
|
||
were dissemblingly, like the crocodiles.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philomathes
|
||
|
||
Well, we have made this conference to last as long as leisure would
|
||
|
||
permit. And to conclude then, since I am to take my leave of you, I
|
||
|
||
pray God to purge this country of these devilish practices: for they
|
||
|
||
were never so rife in these parts, as they are now.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Epistemon
|
||
|
||
I pray God that so be, too. But the causes are over manifest, that
|
||
|
||
makes them to be so rife. For the great wickedness of the people on
|
||
|
||
the one part, procures this horrible defection, whereby God justly
|
||
|
||
punishes sin, by a greater iniquity; and on the other part, the con
|
||
|
||
summation of the world, and our deliverance drawing near, makes
|
||
|
||
Satan to rage the more in his instruments, knowing his kingdom to
|
||
|
||
be so near an end (Revelation 2). And so, farewell for this time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES TO BOOK III, CH APTER VI
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note I : james asserts that no exceptions should be made to the pun
|
||
|
||
ishment of witches based on age, other than those that are com
|
||
|
||
monly recognized in the law for other crimes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
184 DEMONOLOGY: THE THIRD BOOK
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 13
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2 : The implications o f this bit o f reasoning are chilling. A s far
|
||
|
||
as James was concerned, anyone accused of witchcraft must be
|
||
|
||
guilty, since God would never allow an innocent to be so slan
|
||
|
||
dered. Even those accused of having been present at imaginary
|
||
|
||
sabbats of witches, which the magistrate and members of the
|
||
|
||
jury know to have been imaginary, are to be condemned and ex
|
||
|
||
ecuted since God would not permit them to be identified as pres
|
||
|
||
ent unless they had themselves consented to be present at the
|
||
|
||
imaginary gatherings.
|
||
|
||
|
||
## SX!Jes fom Scotland,
|
||
# Declaring the Damna::
|
||
##### ble life ana death ofVcflor Pian, a
|
||
|
||
notable Sorcerer, who was burned at
|
||
Edenbrough an Ianuary !aft.
|
||
I S 9 '·
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
##### W.i t h e true of the taide De>aor
|
||
|
||
and W itc<74>s, as theyv **t** rcd them JD the pre
|
||
P"" t{11H Sclltijh King.
|
||
##### Difcouering how they pretended
|
||
|
||
IO <20>ncb md dro'R'nt bis MMtfl[t uubeSt4
|
||
comming from Dcnowkc, with fuch
|
||
tJturwnu **l** nfl JIUittrl tU tbt Iiles
|
||
ht **l**,, ll **t** ht•J tJ/ I **l**
|
||
""',.,,
|
||
#### PubMled a c rding to the Sco t ih Cop pie.
|
||
|
||
AT L O ND ON
|
||
##### Printed for \Vi l am
|
||
#### Wright.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 4
|
||
|
||
|
||
rSs
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLA ND,
|
||
|
||
|
||
Declaring the damnable
|
||
life and death of Doctor Fian,
|
||
a notable Sorcerer, who was burned at
|
||
Edinburgh, in January last,
|
||
159 1 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
Which Doctor was Register to the Devil
|
||
that sundry times preached at North Berwick Kirk,
|
||
to a number of notorious witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
With the true examinations of the said Doctor
|
||
and Witches as they uttered them
|
||
in the presence of the Scottish King.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Discovering how they pretended
|
||
to bewitch and drown his Majesty in the Sea
|
||
coming from Denmark, with such
|
||
other wonderful matters as the like
|
||
has not been heard of at
|
||
any time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Published according to the Scottish copy.
|
||
AT LONDON
|
||
Printed for William Wright.
|
||
|
||
|
||
#### TO T H E R EA DE R
|
||
|
||
The manifold untruths which are spread abroad concerning the
|
||
|
||
detestable actions and apprehension of those witches whereof
|
||
|
||
this history following truly treats, has caused me to publish the
|
||
|
||
same in print: and the rather for that a number of written copies
|
||
|
||
are lately dispersed thereof, containing, that the said witches were
|
||
|
||
first discovered by means of a poor peddler traveling to the town
|
||
|
||
of Tranent, 1 and that by a wonderful manner he was in a moment
|
||
|
||
conveyed at midnight, from Scotland to Bordeaux in France (being
|
||
|
||
places of no small distance between) into a merchant's cellar there,
|
||
|
||
and after being sent from Bordeaux into Scotland by certain Scottish
|
||
|
||
merchants to the King's Majesty, that he discovered those witches
|
||
|
||
and was the cause of their apprehension: with a number of matters
|
||
|
||
miraculous and incredible, all which in truth are most false.
|
||
|
||
Nevertheless, to satisfy a number of honest minds, who are de
|
||
|
||
sirous to be informed of the verity and truth of their confession,
|
||
|
||
which for certain is more strange than the common report runs, and
|
||
|
||
yet with more truth, I have undertaken to publish this short trea
|
||
|
||
tise, which declares the true discourse of all that has happened, and
|
||
|
||
as well what was pretended by those wicked and detestable witches
|
||
|
||
against the King's Majesty, as also by what means they wrought the
|
||
|
||
same.
|
||
|
||
All which examinations (gentle reader) I have here truly pub
|
||
|
||
lished, as they were taken and uttered in the presence of the King's
|
||
|
||
Majesty, praying thee to accept it for verity, the same being so true as
|
||
|
||
cannot be reproved.2
|
||
|
||
|
||
188 N EWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON TO THE REA DER
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : This mythical peddler is depicted twice in a woodcut that ac
|
||
|
||
companies the early editions of News From Scotland. He is shown
|
||
reclining on his side, his head propped up on his elbow and rest
|
||
ing on his hand. In the upper panel of the woodcut he lies beside
|
||
a group of witches, and in the lower panel he is shown similarly
|
||
|
||
posed inside a wine cellar in Bordeaux.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: The authorship of News From Scotland is unknown. It is based
|
||
|
||
on the actual court records, or a detailed account of them, prob
|
||
|
||
ably the latter. The "Scottish copy" referred to on the title page may
|
||
|
||
have been penned by James Carmichael, Minister of Haddington,
|
||
who composed a record of the entire North Berwick witchcraft af.
|
||
fair. Sir James Melville wrote in 1592 in his Memoirs that Carmichael
|
||
|
||
had written "the history whereof, with their whole depositions."
|
||
|
||
It seems unlikely that News From Scotland is the actual text of Car
|
||
|
||
michael's account of the affair, due to the incomplete state of the
|
||
charges and testimony in the tract, and the interpolation of a fanci
|
||
ful tale of a lovesick cow that was obviously inspired by a similar
|
||
|
||
account in the Golden Ass of Lucius Apuleius, but it may well have
|
||
|
||
been based on Carmichael's document.
|
||
|
||
Internal evidence suggests that the tract itself was written by
|
||
an Englishman in the latter part of 1 591, and underwent exten
|
||
sive editorial revision after the two original woodcuts that accom
|
||
|
||
pany it had already been made, since there is matter in the wood
|
||
|
||
cuts that is not referred to in the text. For an excellent analysis of
|
||
|
||
these woodcuts, see the paper by Edward H. Thompson "More
|
||
Newes from Scotland: the woodblock illustrations of a witchcraft
|
||
pamphlet," presented at the conference for Authorship, Reading
|
||
|
||
and Publishing held at the University of Edinburgh in 1995.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### A TRU E DIS COURS E
|
||
|
||
Of the apprehension of sundry
|
||
|
||
witches lately taken in Scotland: whereof
|
||
|
||
some are executed, and some are
|
||
|
||
yet imprisoned.
|
||
|
||
|
||
With a particular recital of their examinations,
|
||
taken in the presence of the King's Majesty.
|
||
|
||
|
||
God by his omnipotent power, has at all times and daily does take
|
||
|
||
such care, and is so vigilant, for the well-being and preservation of
|
||
|
||
his own, that thereby he disappoints the wicked practices and evil
|
||
|
||
intentions of all such as by any means whatsoever seek indirectly
|
||
|
||
to conspire anything contrary to his holy will. Yea, and by the same
|
||
|
||
power, he has lately overthrown and hindered the intentions and
|
||
|
||
wicked dealings of a great number1 of ungoldy creatures (no better
|
||
|
||
than devils, who suffered themselves to be allured and enticed by the
|
||
|
||
Devil whom they served, and to whom they were privately sworn)
|
||
|
||
entered into the detestable art of witchcraft, which they studied and
|
||
|
||
practiced so long a time, that in the end they had seduced by their
|
||
|
||
sorcery a number of others to be as bad as themselves, dwelling in
|
||
|
||
the bounds of Lothian, which is the principal shire or part of Scot
|
||
|
||
land, where the King's Majesty used to make his chief residence or
|
||
|
||
abode.
|
||
|
||
And to the end that their detestable wickedness which they pri
|
||
|
||
vately had pretended against the King's Majesty, the commonweal
|
||
|
||
of that country, with the nobility and subjects of the same, should
|
||
|
||
|
||
190 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
come to light, God of his unspeakable goodness did reveal and lay it
|
||
open in very strange sort, thereby to make known unto the world,
|
||
that their actions were contrary to the law of God, and the natu
|
||
ral affection which we ought generally to bear one to another. The
|
||
manner of the revealing whereof was as followeth.
|
||
Within the town of Tranent2 in the kingdom of Scotland, there
|
||
dwells one David Seaton,3 who being deputy-bailiff in the said town,
|
||
had a maid servant called Gilly Duncan, who used secretly to be ab
|
||
sent and to lie forth of her master's house every other night. This
|
||
Gilly Duncan took in hand to help all such as were troubled or
|
||
grieved with any kind of sickness or infirmity, and in a short space
|
||
did perform many matters most miraculous, which things foras
|
||
much as she began to do them upon a sudden, having never done
|
||
the like before, made her master and others to be in great admira
|
||
tion, and wonder thereat, by means whereof the said David Seaton
|
||
had his maid in some great suspicion, that she did not those things
|
||
by natural and lawful ways, but rather supposed it to be done by
|
||
some extraordinary and unlawful means.
|
||
Whereupon, her master began to grow very inquisitive, and ex
|
||
amined her which way and by what means she was able to perform
|
||
matters of so great importance. Whereat, she gave no answer. Nev
|
||
ertheless, her master, to the intent that he might the better try and
|
||
find out the truth of the same, did with the help of others, torment
|
||
her with the torture of the pilliwinks4 upon her fingers, which is a
|
||
grievous torture, and binding or wrenching her head with a cord or
|
||
rope,5 which is a most cruel torment also. Yet would she not confess
|
||
anything.
|
||
Whereupon they, suspecting that she had been marked by the
|
||
Devil (as commonly witches are), made dilligent search about her,
|
||
and found the Enemy's mark to be in her forecrag, or forepart of her
|
||
throat. Which being found, she confessed that all her doings were
|
||
done by the wicked allurements and inticements of the Devil, and
|
||
that she did them by witchcraft.
|
||
|
||
|
||
N EWS FROM SCOTLA N D 191
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 15
|
||
|
||
|
||
After this her confession, she was committed to prison, where
|
||
she continued for a season, where immediately she accused these
|
||
persons following to be notorious witches, and caused them forth
|
||
with to be apprehended one after another, viz. Agnes Sampson, the
|
||
eldest witch of them all, dwelling in Haddington; Agnes Tompson6
|
||
of Edinburgh; Doctor Fian, alias John Cunningham, master of the
|
||
school at Saltpans7 in Lothian, of whose life and strange acts, you
|
||
shall hear more largely in the end of this discourse. These were by
|
||
the said Gilly Duncan accused, as also George Matt's wife, dwelling
|
||
in Saltpans; Robert Grierson, skipper; and Janet Bandilandis; with
|
||
the porter's wife of Seaton, the smith at the brig Hallis, with innu
|
||
merable others in that parts, and dwelling in those bounds aforesaid.
|
||
Of whom, some are already executed, the rest remain in prison to
|
||
|
||
|
||
192 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
receive the doom of judgement at the King Majesty's will and plea
|
||
sure.
|
||
The said Gilly Duncan also caused Euphemia McCalyanR to be
|
||
apprehended, who conspired and performed the death of her god
|
||
father, and who used her art upon a gentleman, being one of the
|
||
Lords and justices of the Session, for bearing goodwill to her daugh
|
||
ter. She also caused to be apprehended one Barbara Napier,9 for be
|
||
witching to death Archibald, last Earl of Angus, who languished to
|
||
death by witchcraft, and yet the same was not suspected, but that
|
||
he died of so strange a disease, as the physician knew not how to
|
||
cure or remedy the same. But of all other the said witches, these two
|
||
last before recited, were reputed for as civil honest women as any
|
||
|
||
that dwelled within the city of Edinburgh, before they were appre
|
||
hended. Many other besides were taken dwelling in Leith, who are
|
||
detained in prison, until his Majesty's further will and pleasure be
|
||
known, of whose wicked doings you shall particularly hear, which
|
||
were as followeth.
|
||
1 0
|
||
This aforesaid Agnes Sampson who was the elder witch, was
|
||
taken and brought to Holyrood House before the King's Majesty and
|
||
various others of the nobility of Scotland, where she was narrowly
|
||
examined, but all the persuasions which the King's Majesty used to
|
||
her with the rest of his Council, might not provoke or induce her to
|
||
confess anything, but [she] stood stiffiy in the denial of all that was
|
||
laid to her charge. Whereupon they caused her to be conveyed away
|
||
to prison, there to receive such torture as has been lately provided
|
||
for witches in that country.
|
||
And foreasmuch as by due examination of witchcraft and
|
||
witches in Scotland, it has lately been found that the Devil does gen
|
||
erally mark them with a private mark, by reason the witches have
|
||
confessed themselves, that the Devil does lick them with his tongue
|
||
in some private part of their body, before he does receive them to
|
||
be his servants, which mark commonly is given them under the hair
|
||
in some part of their body, whereby it may not easily be found out
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 193
|
||
|
||
|
||
or seen, although they be searched. And generally, so long as the
|
||
mark is not seen to those which search them, so long the parties
|
||
that have the mark will never confess anything. Therefore by special
|
||
commandment this Agnes Sampson had all her hair shaved off, in
|
||
each part of her body, and her head thrawn with a rope according to
|
||
the custom of that country, being a pain most grievous, which she
|
||
continued almost an hour, during which time she would not confess
|
||
anything until the Devil's mark was found upon her privates. Then
|
||
she immediately confessed whatsoever was demanded of her, and
|
||
testified those persons aforesaid to be notorious witches.
|
||
Item, the said Agnes Sampson was afterwards brought again be
|
||
fore the King's Majesty and his Council, and being examined of the
|
||
meetings and detestable dealings of these witches, she confessed
|
||
that upon the night of All Hallows' Eve last, she was accompanied
|
||
as well with the persons aforesaid, as also with a great many other
|
||
witches, to the number of two hundred, 1 1 and that all they together
|
||
went by sea each one in a riddle or sieve, 12 and went in the same very
|
||
substantially with flaggons of wine, making merry and drinking by
|
||
the way in the same riddles or sieves, to the kirk13 of North Berwick
|
||
in Lothian, and that after they had landed, took hands on the land
|
||
and danced this reel, or short dance, singing all with one voice.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Comer go ye before, comer go ye,
|
||
If ye will not go before, comer let me.
|
||
|
||
|
||
At which time she confessed, that this Gilly Duncan did go before
|
||
them playing this reel or dance upon a small trump, called a Jew's
|
||
trump, 14 until they entered into the kirk of North Berwick.15
|
||
These confessions made the King in a wonderful admiration, and
|
||
|
||
[he] sent for the said Gilly Duncan, who upon the like trump did
|
||
play the said dance before the King's Majesty, who in respect of the
|
||
strangeness of these matters took great delight to be present at their
|
||
|
||
examinations.
|
||
|
||
|
||
194 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
Item, the said Agnes Sampson confessed that the Devil being
|
||
then at North Berwick Kirk, attending their coming in the habit
|
||
or likeness of a man, and seeing that they tarried overlong, he at
|
||
their coming enjoined them all to a pennance, which was, that they
|
||
should kiss his buttocks, in sign of duty to him: which being put
|
||
over the pulpit bar, everyone did as he had enjoined them. And hav
|
||
ing made his ungodly exhortations, wherein he did greatly inveigh
|
||
against the King of Scotland, he received their oaths for their good
|
||
and true service towards him, and departed. Which done, they re
|
||
turned to sea, and so home again.
|
||
At which time the witches demanded of the Devil why he did
|
||
bear such hatred to the King, who answered, by reason the King is
|
||
the greatest enemy he hath in the world: all which their confessions
|
||
and depositions are still extant upon record.
|
||
Item, the said Agnes Sampson confessed before the King's Maj
|
||
esty various things which were so miraculous and strange, as that
|
||
his Majesty said they were all extreme liars, whereat she answered,
|
||
she would not wish his Majesty to suppose her words to be false, but
|
||
rather to believe them, in that she would discover such matter unto
|
||
him as his Majesty should not any way doubt of.
|
||
And thereupon taking his Majesty a little aside, she declared
|
||
unto him the very words which passed between the King's Majesty
|
||
and his Queen at Oslo in Norway the first night of their marriage, 17
|
||
with their answer each to other. Whereat the King's Majesty won
|
||
dered greatly, and swore by the living God, that he believed that all
|
||
the devils in hell could not have discovered the same, acknowledging
|
||
her words to be most true, and therefore gave the more credit to the
|
||
rest which is before declared.
|
||
Touching this Agnes Sampson, she is the same woman who by
|
||
the Devil's persuasion should have intended and put in execution the
|
||
King Majesty's death, in this manner.
|
||
She confessed that she took a black toad, and did hang the same
|
||
up by the heels three days, and collected and gathered the venom
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 195
|
||
|
||
|
||
as it dropped and fell from it into an oyster shell, and kept the same
|
||
venom close covered, until she should obtain any part or piece of
|
||
fouled linen cloth, that had appertained to the King's Majesty, as
|
||
shirt, handkerchief, napkin, or any other thing, which she practiced
|
||
to obtain by means of one john Kers, who being attendant in his
|
||
Majesty's chamber, desired him for old acquaintance between them,
|
||
to help her to one or a piece of such a cloth as is aforesaid. Which
|
||
thing the said john Kers denied to help her to, saying he could not
|
||
help her to it.
|
||
And the said Agnes Sampson, by her dispositions since her
|
||
apprehension, said that if she had obtained any one piece of linen
|
||
cloth which the King had worn and fouled, she had bewitched him
|
||
to death, and put him to such extraordinary pains, as if he had been
|
||
lying upon sharp thorns and ends of needles.
|
||
Moreover, she confessed that at the time when his Majesty was
|
||
in Denmark, she being accompanied with the parties before specially
|
||
named, took a cat and christened it, 18 and afterward bound to each
|
||
part of that cat, the chiefest parts19 of a dead man, and several joints
|
||
of his body,20 and that in the night following, the said cat was conveyed
|
||
into the midst of the sea by all these witches sailing in their riddles or
|
||
sieves as is aforesaid, and so left the said cat right before the town of
|
||
Leith in Scotland. This done, there did arise such a tempest in the sea,
|
||
as a greater hath not been seen, which tempest was the cause of the
|
||
perishing of a boat or vessel coming over from the town of Burntis
|
||
land to the town of Leith, wherein were many jewels and rich gifts,
|
||
which should have been presented to the new Queen of Scotland, at
|
||
her Majesty's coming to Leith.
|
||
Again it is confessed, that the said christened cat was the cause
|
||
that the King's Majesty's ship at his coming forth from Denmark had
|
||
a contrary wind to the rest of his ships, then being in his company,
|
||
which thing was most strange and true, as the King's Majesty
|
||
acknowledged, for when the rest of the ships had a fair and good
|
||
wind, then was the wind contrary and altogether against his Majesty.
|
||
|
||
|
||
196 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
And further the said witch declared, that his Majesty had never
|
||
come safely from the sea, if his faith had not prevailed above their
|
||
intentions.
|
||
Moreover, the said witches being demanded how the Devil
|
||
would use them when he was in their company, they confessed that
|
||
when the Devil did receive them for his servants, and that they had
|
||
vowed themselves unto him, then he would carnally use them, albeit
|
||
to their little pleasure, in respect of his cold nature:21 and would do
|
||
the like at various other times.
|
||
As touching the aforesaid Doctor Fian, alias John Cunningham,
|
||
the examination of his acts since his apprehension declares the great
|
||
subtlety of the Devil, and therefore makes things to appear the more
|
||
miraculous: for being apprehended by the accusation of the said
|
||
Gilly Duncan aforesaid, who confessed he was their Register,22 and
|
||
that there was not one man suffered to come to the Devil's readings
|
||
but only he,23 the said doctor was taken and imprisoned, and used
|
||
with the accustomed pain provided for those offenses, inflicted upon
|
||
the rest as is aforesaid.
|
||
First, by wringing of his head with a rope, whereat he would
|
||
confess nothing.
|
||
Secondly, he was persuaded by fair means to confess his follies,
|
||
but that would prevail as little.
|
||
Lastly, he was put to the most severe and cruel pain in the world,
|
||
called the boots, 24 which after he had received three strokes, being
|
||
enquired if he would confess his damnable acts and wicked life, his
|
||
tongue would not serve him to speak, in respect whereof the rest
|
||
of the witches willed to search his tongue, under which was found
|
||
two pins thrust up into the head, whereupon the witches did chant,
|
||
now is the charm stinted, and showed that those charmed pins were
|
||
the cause he could not confess anything. Then he was immediately
|
||
released of the boots, brought before the King, his confession was
|
||
taken, and his own hand willingly set thereunto, which contained as
|
||
follows.
|
||
|
||
|
||
N EWS I'IW M SCOTLA N D 197
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 6
|
||
|
||
|
||
First, that at the general meetings of those witches, he was al
|
||
|
||
ways present; that he was clerk to all those that were in subjection to
|
||
|
||
the Devil's service, bearing the name of witches; that always he did
|
||
|
||
take their oaths for their true service to the Devil; and that he wrote
|
||
|
||
for them such matters as the Devil still pleased to command him.
|
||
|
||
Item, he confessed that by his witchcraft he did bewitch a gentle
|
||
|
||
man dwelling near to the Saltpans, where the said doctor kept school,
|
||
|
||
only for being enamoured of a gentlewoman whom he loved himself,
|
||
|
||
by means of which his sorcery, witchcraft, and devilish practices, he
|
||
|
||
caused the said gentleman that once in twenty-four hours he fell into a
|
||
|
||
lunacy and madness, and so continued one whole hour together. And
|
||
|
||
for the proving of the same, he caused the gentleman to be brought
|
||
|
||
before the King's Majesty, which was upon the twenty-fourth day of
|
||
|
||
December last 2'
|
||
|
||
And being in his Majesty's chamber, suddenly he gave a great
|
||
|
||
screech and fell into a madness, sometimes bending himself, and
|
||
|
||
sometimes capering so directly up, that his head did touch the ceil
|
||
|
||
ing of the chamber, to the great admiration of his Majesty and others
|
||
|
||
|
||
198 N EWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
then present, so that all the gentlemen in the chamber were not able
|
||
to hold him, until they called in more help, who together bound him
|
||
hand and foot. And suffering the said gentleman to lie still until his
|
||
fury was past, he within an hour came again to himself; when being
|
||
demanded of the King's Majesty what he saw or did all that while, an
|
||
swered that he had been in a sound sleep.
|
||
Item, the said doctor did also confess that he had used means at
|
||
various times to obtain his purpose and wicked intent of the same
|
||
gentlewoman, and seeing himself disappointed of his intention, he
|
||
determined by all ways he might to obtain the same, trusting by
|
||
conjuring, witchcraft, and sorcery to obtain it in this manner.
|
||
It happened this gentlewoman being unmarried, had a brother
|
||
who went to school with the said doctor, who calling his scholar to
|
||
him, demanded if he did lie with his sister, who answered he did. By
|
||
means whereof he thought to obtain his purpose, and therefore se
|
||
cretly promised to teach him without stripes, so he would obtain for
|
||
him three hairs of his sister's privates, at such time as he should spy
|
||
best occasion for it. Which the youth promised faithfully to perform,
|
||
and vowed speedily to put it in practice, taking a piece of conjured
|
||
paper of his master to wrap them in when he had gotten them. And
|
||
thereupon the boy practiced nightly to obtain his master's purpose,
|
||
especially when his sister was asleep.
|
||
But God, who knoweth the secrets of all hearts, and revealeth
|
||
all wicked and ungodly practices, would not suffer the intents of
|
||
this devilish doctor to come to that purpose which he supposed it
|
||
would, and therefore to declare that he was heavily offended with
|
||
his wicked intent, did so work by the gentlewoman's own means,
|
||
that in the end the same was discovered and brought to light. For
|
||
she being one night asleep, and her brother in bed with her, sud
|
||
denly cried out to her mother, declaring that her brother would not
|
||
suffer her to sleep, whereupon her mother having a quick capacity,
|
||
did vehemently suspect Doctor Pian's intention, by reason she was a
|
||
witch of herself, and therefore presently arose, and was very inquisi
|
||
tive of the boy to understand his intent, and the better to know the
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 199
|
||
|
||
|
||
same, did beat him with many stripes, whereby he discovered the
|
||
truth unto her.
|
||
The mother therefore being well practiced in witchcraft, did
|
||
think it most convenient to meet with the doctor in his own art, and
|
||
thereupon took the paper from the boy, wherein he should have put
|
||
the same hairs, and went to a young heifer which never had born
|
||
calf nor gone to the bull, and with a pair of shears, clipped off three
|
||
hairs from the udder of the cow, and wrapped them in the same
|
||
paper, which she again delivered to the boy, then willing him to give
|
||
the same to his said master, which he immediately did.
|
||
The schoolmaster so soon as he had received them, thinking
|
||
them indeed to be the maid's hairs, went straight and wrought
|
||
his art upon them. But the doctor had no sooner done his intent
|
||
to them, but presently the heifer or cow whose hairs they were in
|
||
deed, came unto the door of the church wherein the school master
|
||
was, into which the heifer went, and made towards the schoolmas
|
||
ter, leaping and dancing upon him, and following him forth of the
|
||
church and to what place soever he went, to the great admiration of
|
||
all the townsmen of Saltpans, and many others who did behold the
|
||
same.26
|
||
The report whereof made all men imagine that he did work it by
|
||
the Devil, without whom it could never have been so sufficiently ef
|
||
fected. And thereupon, the name of the said Doctor Fian (who was
|
||
but a very young man) began to grow so common among the people
|
||
of Scotland, that he was secretly nominated for a notable conjurer.
|
||
All which although in the beginning he denied, and would not
|
||
confess, yet having felt the pain of the boots (and the charm stinted,
|
||
as aforesaid), he confessed all the aforesaid to be most true, without
|
||
producing any witnesses to justify the same, and thereupon before
|
||
the King's Majesty he subscribed the said confessions with his own
|
||
hand, which for truth remain upon record in Scotland.
|
||
After that the depositions and examinations of the said Doctor
|
||
Fian, alias Cunningham, were taken, as already is declared, with his
|
||
|
||
|
||
200 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 7
|
||
|
||
|
||
own hand willingly set thereunto, he was by the master of the prison
|
||
|
||
committed to ward, and appointed to a chamber by himself, where
|
||
|
||
foresaking his wicked ways, acknowledging his most ungodly life,
|
||
|
||
showing that he had too much followed the allurements and entice
|
||
|
||
ments of Satan, and fondly practiced his conclusions by conjuring,
|
||
|
||
witchcraft, enchantment, sorcery, and such like, he renounced the
|
||
|
||
Devil and all his wicked works, vowed to lead the life of a Christian,
|
||
|
||
and seemed newly connected towards God.
|
||
|
||
The morrow after upon conference had with him, he granted
|
||
|
||
that the Devil had appeared unto him in the night before, appar
|
||
|
||
eled all in black, with a white wand in his hand, and that the Devil
|
||
|
||
demanded of him if he would continue his faithful service, accord
|
||
|
||
ing to his first oath and promise made to that effect. Whom (as he
|
||
|
||
then said) he utterly renounced to his face, and said unto him in this
|
||
|
||
manner, avoid Satan, avoid, for I have listened too much unto you,
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 201
|
||
|
||
|
||
and by the same you have undone me, in respect whereof I utterly
|
||
|
||
foresake you. To whom the Devil answered, that once before you
|
||
die you shall be mine. And with that (as he said) the Devil broke the
|
||
white wand, and immediately vanished forth of his sight.
|
||
Thus all the day this Doctor Fian continued very solitary, and
|
||
seemed to have care of his own soul, and would call upon God,
|
||
showing himself penitent for his wicked life. Nevertheless the same
|
||
night he found such means, that he stole the key of the prison door
|
||
and chamber in the which he was, which in the night he opened and
|
||
fled away to the salt pans, where he was always resident, and first
|
||
apprehended. Of whose sudden departure, when the King's Maj
|
||
esty had intelligence, he presently commanded diligent inquiry to
|
||
be made for his apprehension, and for the better effecting thereof,
|
||
he sent public proclaimations into all parts of his land to the same
|
||
effect. By means of whose hot and hard pursuit, he was again taken
|
||
and brought to prison, and then being called before the King's High
|
||
ness, he was reexamined as well touching his departure, as also
|
||
touching all that had before happened.
|
||
But this doctor, notwithstanding that his own confession ap
|
||
peared remaining in the record under his own handwriting, and the
|
||
same thereunto fixed in the presence of the King's Majesty and sev
|
||
eral of his Council, yet did he utterly deny the same.
|
||
Whereupon the King's Majesty perceiving his stubborn willful
|
||
ness, conceived and imagined that in the time of his absence he had
|
||
entered into new conference and league with the Devil his Master,
|
||
and that he had been again newly marked, for the which he was nar
|
||
rowly searched, but it could not in any way be found. Yet for more
|
||
trial of him to make him confess, he was commanded to have a most
|
||
strange torment, which was done in the manner following.
|
||
His nails upon all his fingers were riven and pulled off with an
|
||
instrument called in Scottish a turkas, which in England we call a
|
||
pair of pincers, and under every nail there was thrust in two needles
|
||
over even up to the heads. At all which torments notwithstanding
|
||
|
||
|
||
202 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
the doctor never shrank any wit, neither would he then confess it the
|
||
sooner for all the tortures inflicted upon him.
|
||
Then was he with all convenient speed, by commandment, con
|
||
veyed again to the torment of the boots, wherein he continued a
|
||
long time, and did abide so many blows in them, that his legs were
|
||
crushed and beaten together as small as might be, and the bones and
|
||
flesh so bruised, that the blood and marrow spurted forth in great
|
||
abundance, whereby they were made unserviceable forever. And
|
||
notwithstanding all these grievous pains and cruel torments, he
|
||
|
||
would not confess anything, so deeply had the Devil entered into his
|
||
heart, that he utterly denied all that which he had before avouched,
|
||
and would say nothing thereupon but this, that what he had done
|
||
and said before, was only done and said for fear of pains which he
|
||
had endured.
|
||
Upon great consideration therefore taken by the King's Majesty
|
||
and his Council, as well for the due execution of justice upon such
|
||
detestable malefactors, as also for example's sake, to remain a terror
|
||
to all others hereafter, that shall attempt to deal in the like wicked
|
||
and ungodly actions, as witchcraft, sorcery, conjuration, and such
|
||
|
||
like, the said Doctor Fian was soon after araigned, condemned, and
|
||
adjudged by the law to die, and then to be burned according to the
|
||
law of that land, provided in that behalf. Whereupon he was put
|
||
into a cart, and being first strangled, he was immediately put into a
|
||
great fire, being ready provided for that purpose, and there burned
|
||
in the Castle Hill of Edinburgh on a Saturday in the end of January
|
||
last past, 1 59 1 .
|
||
The rest of the witches which are not yet executed, remain in
|
||
prison till further trial, and knowledge of his Majesty's pleasure.
|
||
|
||
|
||
This strange discourse before recited, may perhaps give some occasion
|
||
of doubt to such as shall happen to read the same, and thereby conjecture
|
||
that the King's Majesty would not hazard himself in the presence of such
|
||
notorious witches, lest thereby might have ensured great danger to his per
|
||
son and the general state of the land, which thing in truth might well have
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 203
|
||
|
||
|
||
been feared. But to answer generally to such, let this suffice: that first it is
|
||
well-known that the King is the child and servant of God, and they but ser
|
||
vants to the Devil; he is the Lord's annointed, and they but vessels of God's
|
||
wrath; he is a true Christian, and trusts in God, they worse than infidels,
|
||
for they only trust in the Devil, who daily serves them, till he has brought
|
||
them to utter destruction.
|
||
But hereby it seems that his Highness carried a magnanimous and un
|
||
daunted mind, not frightened with their enchantments, but resolute in this,
|
||
that so long as God is with him, he ftars not who is against him. And truly
|
||
the whole scope of this treatise does so plainly lay open the wonderful provi
|
||
dence of the Almighty, that if he had not been defended by his omnipotence
|
||
and power, his Highness had never returned alive in his voyage from Den
|
||
mark, so that there is no doubt but God would as well defend him on the
|
||
land as on the sea, where they pretended their damnable practice.
|
||
|
||
|
||
FINIS
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 8
|
||
|
||
|
||
204 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOTES ON NE WS FROM SCO TL A ND
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 : The principal accused witches in the affair were four: Agnes
|
||
Sampson, john Fian, Effie McCalyan, and Barbara Napier. All
|
||
were tortured, tried, and sentenced to death in 1 59 1 . By the ex
|
||
traordianry efforts of her family and friends, Barbara Napier
|
||
avoided the fire. Agnes Sampson was strangled at the stake and
|
||
her body burned on Castle Hill in Edinburgh, the usual manner
|
||
and place of execution for convicted witches. Effie McCalyan was
|
||
sentenced to be burned alive, perhaps because she refused to im
|
||
plicate the Earl of Bothwell, but at the end she was afforded the
|
||
mercy of strangulation before being consumed by the fire. john
|
||
Fian faced unimaginably severe tortures, which he withstood as
|
||
bravely as any man could have done, and maintaining his inno
|
||
cence to the end was executed by strangulation and burning. Not
|
||
one of the witches was burned alive.
|
||
Other key figures were Gilly Duncan, Richard Graham, Rob
|
||
ert Grierson, and Francis, Earl of Bothwell. Gilly Duncan was
|
||
tried but does not appear to have been executed. Her life may
|
||
have been spared in return for her accusations of witchcraft
|
||
against her friends and neighbors, and her public repentence.
|
||
Robert Grierson died in prison on April 1 5, 1 59 1, probably as a
|
||
result of the severity of his torture, although it is possible he took
|
||
his own life. Richard Graham was executed in the usual fashion
|
||
on February 29, 1 592, on Castle Hill. Bothwell was tried on Au
|
||
gust 10, 1 593, but was acquitted by a jury of his peers. However,
|
||
he found it prudent to change his residence from Scotland to
|
||
Italy.
|
||
Lesser figures executed included Marion Ersche, Margaret
|
||
Downey, Christian Todd, Begie Todd, Gilbert McGillis, john Mc
|
||
Gillis (Gilbert's son), john Gordon (known as Graymeal), Kather
|
||
ine Gray, Isabel Grierson, and Meg Dun.
|
||
Among those that went through the legal process were Don
|
||
ald Robinson, Meg Begton, Margaret Aicheson, Charles Watt,
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 205
|
||
|
||
|
||
Masie Aicheson, Anne Richardson, Thomas Fian, Janet Straton,
|
||
Margaret Thomson, Catherine Duncan, Janet Gall, Annie Nairn,
|
||
janet Logan, Thomas Cockburn, Marion Ranking, Catherine
|
||
McGillis, Bessie Cowan, Marion Congilton, Helen Lauder, Isabel
|
||
Lauder, Duncan Buchanan, Marion Nicholson, Annie Simson,
|
||
janet Nicholson, !so bel Gylor, Bessie Wright, Marion Shaw, janet
|
||
Campbell, Bessie Brown, Marion Longniddry, Malie Geddie,
|
||
Helen White, Katherine Muirhead, Christian Carrington, janet
|
||
Drummond, Archie Farquhar, Janet Fairley, Bessie Thomson,
|
||
Marion Peterson, Alexander Whitelaw, Marion Bailzy, Catherine
|
||
Wallace, Ninian Chirnside, porter's wife of Seaton (unnamed),
|
||
Thomas Brounhill and his wife, John Ramsey's wife (unnamed),
|
||
George Matt's wife (unnamed), and Nichol Murray's wife (un
|
||
named). A number of the accused managed to escape and flee
|
||
to England, causing james to send the deputy-baliff of Tranent,
|
||
David Seaton, who knew them all by sight, in pursuit. At least
|
||
one of these witches was returned to Scotland by the English au
|
||
thorities for additional torture, and named additional names.
|
||
Some of the names of those accused of witchcraft in the con
|
||
fessions of the witches, extracted from them by torture, are Mar
|
||
ion Linkup, Michael Clark, John Sibbet, Janet Duncan, George
|
||
Matt, Meg Stillcart, Agnes Stratton, john Cooper, Bessie Gwlene,
|
||
Archie Henill's wife (unnamed), Sir Robert Bowes (the English
|
||
ambassador), David Nesbitt, and Arran Lord Farneyer.
|
||
The spellings of the names of those involved in the affair are
|
||
hopelessly corrupt in the documents of the period, and undoubt
|
||
edly there are instances when the same individual is mentioned
|
||
under two different names as a result of this confusion. The
|
||
most prominent instance in News From Scotland is where Agnes
|
||
Sampson is referred to in several places as Agnes Tompson. I have
|
||
corrected this duplication where it is unambiguous, and have at
|
||
tempted to modernize the names when a modern equivalent is
|
||
|
||
|
||
206 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
obvious. Margaret Thomson and Bessie Thomson may be the
|
||
same person.
|
||
The total numbers of persons executed, imprisoned, or tor
|
||
tured in the North Berwick affair are not known with certainty.
|
||
According to the testimony of some of the accused, the num
|
||
ber of witches supposed to be present at their conventions, or
|
||
sabbats, ranged from around seventy to two hundred, but those
|
||
actually named were fewer in number. Margaret Murray, act
|
||
ing under the questonable assumption that there was organized
|
||
witchcraft going on, put the number of witches at thirty-nine,
|
||
or three covens of thirteen. This number seems arbitrary and is
|
||
inaccurate, and in any case groups of witches did not always con
|
||
tain thirteen members. An examination of the names shows that
|
||
family members were often accused together, husband and wife,
|
||
sister and sister, mother and daughter, father and son. The scale
|
||
of the human tragedy is considerably larger than what is con
|
||
firmed in the printed records.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2: David Seaton was not only instrumental in initiating the
|
||
North Berwick witch affair, which he did when he questioned his
|
||
maid, but must have been involved throughout the entire process
|
||
of identifying and arresting the accused. We can make this sur
|
||
mise because, after a number of the accused fled to England at
|
||
the beginning of Feburary, 1 59 1, James was willing to pay Seaton
|
||
to hunt them down and bring them back. The King prepared let
|
||
ters of introduction for Seaton to the English nobles Sir John Fos
|
||
ter, Sir Henry Woddrington, and Sir John Selby, instructing them
|
||
to give Seaton every possible help in apprehending and confining
|
||
the fugitives until they could be safely conveyed back to Scotland
|
||
for trial. Seaton was also mentioned in the testimony of Agnes
|
||
Sampson, who confessed that she had tried and failed to end
|
||
Seaton's life with witchcraft. John Pian was accused of opening
|
||
locks by magic in Seaton's house at Tranent, and also at the house
|
||
of Seaton's mother.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 207
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 3 : Tranent is a small town about ten miles east of Edinburgh.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 4: The pilliwinks was an instrument of torture similar to the
|
||
thumbscrews, with which pressure was applied to the ends of the
|
||
fingers by means of a screw to cause pain. Those who endured
|
||
this type of torture reported that the blood would spurt from
|
||
under the fingernails. By subjecting his maid to torture, Seaton
|
||
was acting completely outside the authority of the law. However,
|
||
at the end of the sixteenth century, it was common for the master
|
||
of a household to physically discipline not only the members of
|
||
his own family, but his servants as well. Seaton may have justified
|
||
his actions on these grounds, although he greatly overstepped the
|
||
bounds of custom.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 5 : This torture, called "thrawing" in the Scottish dialect, in
|
||
volved tightening a binding around the head by twisting a stick
|
||
through it, in a manner similar to that of a tourniquet. In this way
|
||
strong pressure could be applied to the skull.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 6: 'Agnes Tompson" may merely be a misreading of the name
|
||
'Agnes Sampson."
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 7: Saltpans, sometimes referred to as the salt pans or Saltpres
|
||
ton, seems to be the place presently known as Prestonpans, lo
|
||
cated in East Lothian on the south shore of the Firth of Forth,
|
||
about two miles northwest of Tranent.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 8: Euphemia, or Effie, McCalyan, the daughter of Lord Clif
|
||
tonhall, was arraigned on June 9, 1 59 1 . She was the wife of Pat
|
||
rick Moscrop, a wealthy man, and was defended at her trial by six
|
||
lawyers, but James was determined to see her dead, and dismissed
|
||
the foreman of the jury in order to procure a verdict of guilty.
|
||
Her trial lasted from June 9 to June 1 3, a much longer period than
|
||
the usual trial of the time, thanks to the exhaustive efforts of her
|
||
lawyers, who "pleaded so subtillie for her, that the assise could not
|
||
be resolved befo<66>e the l Yh of June." [Sh] e was condemned to be
|
||
burned alive, an extreme sentence usually only given to witches
|
||
|
||
|
||
208 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
who refused to confess, or who confessed and then recanted
|
||
their confession. Effie maintained her innocence throughout her
|
||
ordeal.
|
||
James himself took an active part in directing her torture. He
|
||
wrote to John Maitland, who was overseeing the interrogation:
|
||
"Let Effie McCalyan see the stoop two or three days, and upon
|
||
the sudden stay her in hope of a confession." The stoop was the
|
||
wooden post to which the condemned was bound. It had to be
|
||
set in the ground at each execution by a woodwright, who was
|
||
paid ten shillings for the job. It seems that James hoped that by
|
||
showing her the stake that would be used at her burning, she
|
||
would break down and confess. The Earl of Bothwell and his
|
||
supporters were quite nervous that she would accuse Bothwell,
|
||
who was her friend, and hoped that her execution would proceed
|
||
swiftly, as a way of closing her mouth. This does not necessar
|
||
ily imply any guilt on Bothwell's part, merely a concern that a
|
||
woman would not be able to withstand torture as well as a man,
|
||
and might say anything to relieve the pain. As it happened, they
|
||
need not have worried, since she endured her ordeal with great
|
||
courage and loyalty to Bothwell.
|
||
Accounts of her execution indicate that she was strangled
|
||
before being burned on Castle Hill on June 25, 1 59 1, though no
|
||
reason is given as to why the severity of her sentence was miti
|
||
gated. In her statement to the crowd at her execution, she "tooke
|
||
it upon her conscience that she was innocent of all the crymes
|
||
laid to her charge." The long delay between her sentencing and
|
||
death was the result of an assertion by Effie, after the verdict was
|
||
read against her, that she was pregnant. Since the unborn child of
|
||
a convicted criminal was considered to be innocent, execution of
|
||
a pregnant woman was delayed until after the birth of the baby.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 9: Barbara Napier, the sister-in-law of the Laird of Carschog
|
||
gill, was convicted by a jury on May 8, 1 59 1, for consulting with
|
||
witches, specifically Richard Graham and Agnes Sampson. The
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 209
|
||
|
||
|
||
other more serious charges against her, chief among them that
|
||
she had attempted to kill the King with a "picture of wax," that
|
||
she had caused a ferryboat to sink between Leith and Kinghorn,
|
||
resulting in the loss of sixty lives, and that she was responsible for
|
||
the death of the Earl of Angus, were dismissed by the jury. The
|
||
partial acquittal was accomplished by packing the jury box with
|
||
her friends. The English ambassador Sir Robert Bowes wrote in
|
||
a letter to Lord Burghley: "By the counsel assigned to her, and by
|
||
her challenges and shifts, she both put off the gentlemen returned
|
||
to have been of her assize, in whose places others of this town
|
||
where she has many kinsfolk and friends of good credit-were
|
||
received, and also continued the matter in debate until two of the
|
||
clock in this morning, before the jury or assize-as they term it
|
||
could be chosen and charged."
|
||
Although they found her guilty of consultation with witches,
|
||
no judgement was pronounced against her. As Bowes put it, she
|
||
was at "the King's pleasure." Obviously the king was not pleased.
|
||
She was sentenced to be strangled and burned on Castle Hill on
|
||
May 1 1, but on that day, when the stake had been erected and
|
||
piled all around with flammable materials ready for the torch,
|
||
and the townsfolk had gathered to watch the show, her friends
|
||
announced that she could not be put to death because she was
|
||
pregnant.
|
||
James was beside himself with rage. He instructed John Mai
|
||
tland: "Try by the mediciners whether Barbara Napier be with
|
||
child or not. Take no delaying answer. If you find she be not, to
|
||
the fire with her presently, and cause bowel her publically." To
|
||
bowel someone (Bowes spelled it 'bouell") is to disembowel that
|
||
person. James wanted her strangled at the stake, and her belly cut
|
||
open to prove to the crowd that she had not been with child. He
|
||
was determined not to allow this clever and able woman whom,
|
||
as he believed, had made an attempt on not only his own life,
|
||
|
||
|
||
210 N EWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
but the life of his young queen, to escape the fire through legal
|
||
trickery.
|
||
While Barbara's pregnancy was being examined, her friends
|
||
were working hard in the background on her behalf. Because the
|
||
act of Parliament against simple consultation with a witch had
|
||
not actually been put into execution, it was decided that a death
|
||
sentence was too harsh a punishment for her crime. James be
|
||
came convinced that her acquittal of the more serious charges,
|
||
including the charge of high treason for attempting to end his
|
||
life, was a plot against him intended to frustrate his will in the
|
||
matter. He was particularly upset that the men he had hand
|
||
picked to be a part of the trial had been excluded through legal
|
||
maneuvering. Clerics in Edinburgh began to criticize his lack of
|
||
action publically from the pulpit.
|
||
On May 26, James had the jury members charged with an
|
||
assize of error. Bowes wrote to Burghley, "The assize of error
|
||
to reverse the verdict given in favor of Barbara Napier is pro
|
||
claimed. The assizers are commanded to be here two days before
|
||
their appearance in court, that the King may speak with them.
|
||
Thus to reverse the verdict is lawful, but a great novelty, not hith
|
||
erto practised." The speech James delivered to the jury on June
|
||
|
||
7, 1 59 1, is his famous Tolbooth speech, the relevent portions of
|
||
which are reproduced in Appendix C. James caused the court to
|
||
be reassembled and ordered that Barbara Napier be strangled,
|
||
burned, and her property forfeited to him. The original jury was
|
||
then itself tried on the charge of acquitting a witch.
|
||
Although it would have seemed that Barbara Napier's fate
|
||
was sealed by the extraordinary machinations of the King against
|
||
her, there is no record of her execution. After a passage of time,
|
||
her prosecution was quietly dropped without ever being re
|
||
solved. This is difficult to explain. Perhaps she actually was preg
|
||
nant, having had the foresight to put herself in this condition
|
||
just prior to her trial. That would have bought her some time,
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 211
|
||
|
||
|
||
almost a year. James may have allowed himself to be persuaded
|
||
|
||
by his advisors that he was walking on thin ice, legally, and that
|
||
|
||
it would be prudent to allow the matter to fade away. However
|
||
it happened, her "many kinsfolk and friends of good credit" pre
|
||
|
||
vailed in her behalf, and she was the only one of the four princi
|
||
pals in the North Berwick affair who was not burned.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 10: Agnes Sampson, known locally as the Wise Wife of Keith,
|
||
|
||
was described by a contemporary as being "a woman not of the
|
||
|
||
base and ignorant sort of witches, but matron-like, grave and
|
||
settled in her answers, which were all to some purpose" (Spot
|
||
tiswoode, History of the Church of Scotland, Vol. II, pages 41 1-412).
|
||
|
||
Her skills as both a midwife and a healer were held in high regard
|
||
|
||
in Edinburgh and the surrounding towns. There can be little ques
|
||
tion that she relied upon magic practices and the occult virtues of
|
||
herbs and stones for her cures. Many of the charges against her in
|
||
|
||
volved accurate diagnoses of diseases, and cures by occult means.
|
||
|
||
One technique she used was to take the disease of the sick person
|
||
|
||
onto herself, then, after suffering with it until the morning, cast it
|
||
off onto a dog or cat.
|
||
She was also an accomplished seer. She kept a large black
|
||
|
||
dog named Elva that may have served as the host for her famil
|
||
|
||
iar spirit, and used the dog for purposes of divination. A certain
|
||
|
||
amount of theatrics must have been employed to impress on
|
||
lookers. She would ask the dog questions, and the dog would an
|
||
|
||
swer her. The dog was summoned with the magic word "hola,"
|
||
|
||
which appears in several places in the North Berwick testimonies.
|
||
|
||
It was her practice to diagnose whether or not an individual
|
||
would recover from sickness by reciting a prayer. If she stopped
|
||
speaking once before the prayer was done, it was a sign that
|
||
|
||
the sick person was bewitched, but if she stopped twice, it was
|
||
|
||
a sure sign that the person would die. Sometimes when asked
|
||
to come and heal, she would refuse after saying the prayer, on
|
||
|
||
|
||
212 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
the grounds that there was nothing she could do, the person was
|
||
going to die in any case.
|
||
When first accused of witchcraft, she denied all charges. Her
|
||
torture was extreme. A the hair was shaved off from every part
|
||
of her body, and she was pricked for the witch mark, a not only
|
||
painful but humiliating experience. The mark was found on her
|
||
|
||
vulva. A witch's bridle was placed on her head, an instrument of
|
||
iron that pressed four sharp spikes into her mouth to prevent her
|
||
from muttering or chanting magic charms. She was "thrawed"
|
||
|
||
like Gilly Duncan and John Fian, and deprived of sleep for a pro
|
||
|
||
longed period. Finally, her proud spirit broke and she began to
|
||
implicate others, and to offer fantastic details of evil works and
|
||
plots against the king. The list of charges made against her at her
|
||
trial of January 27, 1 59 1, is longer than that of any other accused.
|
||
|
||
Robert Bowes wrote to Lord Burghley that of the one hundred
|
||
and two charges that were brought against her, she confessed to
|
||
fifty-eight. The sentence read against her was that she "be taken
|
||
to the Castle of Edinburgh, and there bound to a stake and stran
|
||
gled until she was dead, and thereafter her body to be burned
|
||
|
||
to ashes." The records do not show a date of execution, but it
|
||
was probably no more than a few days following her conviction.
|
||
At the stake she apologized for causing the death of the Earl of
|
||
Douglas with a small figure of yellow wax.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 1 : There was a belief that witches travelled across the sea
|
||
|
||
using sieves for boats. A riddle is a coarse-screened sieve for sepa
|
||
rating chaff from grain. The witches related that while they were
|
||
crossing the sea, and making merry with wine, they could see
|
||
|
||
the Devil going before them over the waves, looking in the dis
|
||
|
||
tance somewhat like a large rolling haystack (Scot, Demonology and
|
||
Witchcraft, page 302). Agnes Sampson confessed that they went
|
||
across the water in a boat shaped like a chimney, and that the
|
||
Devil resembed a hayrick. It is tempting to think that when asked
|
||
|
||
about these matters by her interrogators, she responded with the
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 213
|
||
|
||
|
||
most absurd things that popped into her head, with the expecta
|
||
|
||
tion that they were so silly they would not be believed. Instead
|
||
they were solemnly pronounced against her at her trial.
|
||
|
||
Note 12: The transcript of the questioning of Agnes Sampson puts
|
||
the number in the church on All Hallow's Eve at around ninety
|
||
women and six men, not two hundred women. According to Bar
|
||
bara Napier, there were "seven score" present, or around 1 40 per
|
||
sons.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 3 : "Kirk" is a Scottish term for a church.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 14: "Jew's trump" was the earlier name for the instrument
|
||
known as the "Jew's harp." It consists of a metal frame with a flex
|
||
ible steel tongue. The frame is held between the teeth while the
|
||
steel tongue is struck with the finger, and the twanging tone is
|
||
varied by enlarging or diminishing the cavity of the mouth.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 5 : The great sabbat meeting at North Berwick Kirk is one of
|
||
the most notorious in all the records of the witch trials. It is sup
|
||
posed to have happened on Halloween in the year 1 590, and if it
|
||
was indeed a real event, probably took place around midnight
|
||
in her testimony concerning a previous solitary meeting with the
|
||
Devil at the North Berwick Kirk, Agnes Sampson stated that it
|
||
occured at eleven o'clock. North Berwick is located on a headland
|
||
on the southern shore of the Firth of Forth, and the towns of
|
||
Tranent, Edinburgh, and Leith are ranged to the west along the
|
||
same side of this body of water, although Tranent is somewhat
|
||
inland. Saltpans, presently known as Prestonpans, is located about
|
||
two miles from Tranent on the coast. On that memorable night
|
||
the witches stood or sat in their sieves and were borne, some of
|
||
them as much as fifteen miles, over the sea along the southern
|
||
shore of the Firth of Forth in an easterly direction, laughing, call
|
||
ing out to each other, and drinking wine, while the Devil in the
|
||
form of a tumbling vortex went before them on top of the waves
|
||
to lead the way.
|
||
|
||
|
||
214 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
When they landed next to the church, they all held hands
|
||
and danced a reel on the green, singing "Comer, go you before,
|
||
comer go you, if you will not go before, comer let me," as Gilly
|
||
Duncan played on her Jew's harp to provide the music. Barbara
|
||
Napier led the dance up and down the longest dimension of the
|
||
kirkyard. The six male witches whirled themselves around nine
|
||
times widdershins, or counterclockwise, with, according to the
|
||
testimony of Agnes Sampson, John Pian leading the ring, his face
|
||
covered or muffled with cloth. The far more numerous female
|
||
witches twirled about six times in the same direction, widder
|
||
shins. In magic, turning widdershins is usually done for works of
|
||
evil. Doctor Pian blew his breath into the keyhole of the lock on
|
||
|
||
the front doors of the church, causing the lock to spring open.
|
||
The church was illuminated inside with black candles that
|
||
burned with a strange blue light. In the pulpit the Devil awaited
|
||
them, dressed in the clothing of an ordinary man. He was de
|
||
scribed as a 'black man" by Doctor Pian, although this may have
|
||
meant only that he was clothed all in black garments. If this ex
|
||
traordinary meeting ever took place, it is likely that the man play
|
||
ing the part of the Devil had his face obscured in some manner,
|
||
as did John Pian, to conceal his identity. The Devil was exceed
|
||
ingly annoyed at their late arrival, and ordered as a penance and a
|
||
sign of their continuing loyalty that they kiss his buttocks, which
|
||
he exposed by dropping his hose and extending his ass over the
|
||
rail of the pulpit. One by one the witches filed up and kissed his
|
||
backside before seating themselves for the meeting.
|
||
The purpose of the gathering was to work black magic
|
||
against King james and cause his death. This was to be done
|
||
using a wax image of the king that had previously been given
|
||
to the Devil by Agnes Sampson for the Devil to bewitch. How
|
||
ever, the Devil had neglected to bring the prepared image with
|
||
him, which caused a good deal of irritation among his congrega
|
||
tion. I will quote from the partial transcript of the accusations
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 2!5
|
||
|
||
|
||
against Barbara Napier presented by Margaret A. Murray. I have
|
||
|
||
modernized the text, since the original is quite difficult to read
|
||
because of the archaic spelling .
|
||
|
||
|
||
And the Devil stood up in the pulpit like a great black
|
||
|
||
man, having a black book in his hand, and called on every one
|
||
|
||
of them, desiring them all to be good servants to him, and he
|
||
|
||
should be a good master to them. Robert Grierson and john
|
||
|
||
Fian stood on his left hand; and the said Robert found great
|
||
|
||
fault with the Devil and cried out, that all witches were worried
|
||
|
||
greatly here, because his Highness' picture was not given them,
|
||
|
||
as was promised: the said Effie McCalyan remembered and bid
|
||
|
||
the said Robert Grierson to inquire for the picture, meaning
|
||
|
||
his Majesty's picture, which should have been roasted. Robert
|
||
|
||
Grierson said these words: "Where is the thing you promised?"
|
||
|
||
Meaning the picture of wax, devised for roasting and undoing
|
||
|
||
his Highness' person, which Agnes Sampson gave to him; and
|
||
|
||
Robert cried to "have the turn done"; yet his Highness' name
|
||
|
||
was not named, until they that were women named him; crav
|
||
|
||
ing in plain terms his Highness' picture . But he answered, "It
|
||
|
||
should be gotten the next meeting; and he would hold the next
|
||
|
||
assembly for that cause the sooner: it was not ready at that
|
||
|
||
time . " Robert Grierson answered, "You promised to us, and
|
||
|
||
false it was." And four forthright women were very earnest and
|
||
|
||
insistent to have it. And the said Barbara and Effie McCalyan got
|
||
|
||
then a promise of the Devil, that his Highness' picture should
|
||
|
||
be gotten to them two, and that right soon: and this matter of
|
||
|
||
his Highness' picture was the cause of that assembly. (Murray,
|
||
|
||
Witch-cult in Western Europe, page 55)
|
||
|
||
Much of the account of the meeting at North Berwick Kirk,
|
||
and probably the whole of it, is fantasy. However, there is a plau
|
||
sibility about the homely details of the event that makes it dif
|
||
ficult not to suspect that it may have had some basis in reality.
|
||
It is scarcely to be believed that the witches would have stood
|
||
up in the church and berated the Devil for being late with the
|
||
|
||
|
||
216 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
king's portrait, but that they might treat a man representing the
|
||
Devil in this way, who was dressed in a black costume with his
|
||
face masked or darkened with burnt cork, especially if they were
|
||
drunk on wine, is more likely.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 6: The Devil of the witches' sabbat is so often described as a
|
||
man, who is sometimes masked, rather than as some sort of fan
|
||
tastic monster, that Margaret Murray offered the opinion that he
|
||
was always a human being: "The evidence of the witches makes
|
||
it abundantly clear that the so-called Devil was a human being,
|
||
generally a man, occasionally a woman" (Murray, Witch-cult in
|
||
Western Europe, page 3 1 ).
|
||
Montague Summers identified the devil personage in the kirk
|
||
as Francis Stewart, Earl of Bothwell, who wished to kill James in
|
||
order to open his own claim to the throne. Bothwell was men
|
||
tioned by name in the testimony of Agnes Sampson, who de
|
||
clared that she had constructed a wax figure of the king to be
|
||
melted and consumed in the fire "at the instance of a noble man
|
||
|
||
Francis Erle Bodowell" (Summers, Geography of Witchcraft, page
|
||
|
||
223). Summers pointed out that when Bothwell was living in
|
||
Naples in 1 6 1 0, he had the reputation of an accomplished necro
|
||
mancer. It was also the conviction of Margaret Murray that the
|
||
devil of North Berwick Kirk was the Earl of Bothwell. She made
|
||
this identification on the assumption that where there is a plot to
|
||
murder, there must be motive, and Bothwell had the best reason
|
||
of anyone to wish to see James dead.
|
||
This sort of speculation is entertaining but should not be
|
||
given too much weight since it is unsupported by any hard evi
|
||
dence. We have no way of knowing if there ever was a collec
|
||
tive meeting of witches presided over by a man wearing a devil's
|
||
costume, much less that the man was Bothwell. It cannot be em
|
||
phasized too often that the testimony extracted under torture is
|
||
worthless, and no other evidence exists for Bothwell as the leader
|
||
of the North Berwick witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 217
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 17: james and Anne romantically came together in Oslo after
|
||
Anne's ship sprang a leak on the voyage to Scotland and was
|
||
driven into the Norwegian port by bad weather, and James sailed
|
||
north to meet her.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 8: The purpose for christening the cat was to transfer the
|
||
identity of the intended victim into the cat, so that whatever was
|
||
done to the cat would also, by magical sympathy, be done to the
|
||
victim. Presumably it was christened in the name of Kingjames.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 1 9 : The "chiefest parts" of a man are probably his genitals.
|
||
They symbolize the life force or vitality.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 20: The knucklebones from the fingers or toes of a corpse.
|
||
Knucklebones have a long history in magic as an instrument of
|
||
divination. They are cast in a way similar to dice.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 2 1 : The explanation james might give for the coldness of the
|
||
Devil's member is that the Devil caused a corpse to be animated
|
||
for the purpose of intercourse with the witches. If the witches'
|
||
conventions actually occurred, and the lover in the kirk was a
|
||
man rather than a demon, the coldness might be explained in a
|
||
more natural way as the result of the employment of a dildo to
|
||
penetrate the witches, something that would likely be required
|
||
due to the sheer number of witches that must be coupled with.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 22: john Fian was said to have acted as the clerk or recorder at
|
||
the witch gatherings. Being a schoolteacher, he was the natural
|
||
choice for this office. One of the woodcuts accompanying News
|
||
From Scotland shows Fian seated at a desk with a pen in his left
|
||
hand (the sinister side of the body), writing upon a sheet of paper,
|
||
or perhaps into a records book.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 23: This statement is in disagreement with the testimony of
|
||
Agnes Sampson, who confessed that six men were present at the
|
||
North Berwick church during the Halloween gathering.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 24: The boot was a popular device of torture because it proved
|
||
so effective in extracting confessions. A heavy wooden frame was
|
||
|
||
|
||
218 NEWS FROM SCOTLAND
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 1 9
|
||
|
||
|
||
bound around the lower leg and foot of a seated victim, and large
|
||
wooden wedges were driven into the frame with a mallet in such
|
||
a way that its inner sides were forced together, crushing the foot,
|
||
ankle, and shin. We know this was the type of boot employed
|
||
against the witches since the records speak of specific numbers
|
||
of blows administered-that is, blows of the hammer upon the
|
||
wedges. Those who survived this form of interrogation were often
|
||
crippled for life. It is reported that no form of torture generated
|
||
greater agony than the boot.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NEWS FROM SCOTLAND 219
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 25: Christmas Eve, 1 590.james and his courtiers seem to have
|
||
regarded the entire affair of the witches as something of a recre
|
||
|
||
ational activity. This mentally ill man was brought to the King's
|
||
|
||
bedchamber to provide the same sort of Christmas entertainment
|
||
that might have been afforded by an acrobat or a juggler.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Note 26: This story is very old, and is related in a slightly different
|
||
|
||
form in the Golden Ass of Lucius Apuleius. Any educated man of
|
||
|
||
the late sixteenth century would know that it had been derived
|
||
from this classic second-century Roman work. The novelist Sir
|
||
Walter Scott, in his examination of the North Berwick witch tri
|
||
als, assumed that it had been injected into News From Scotland by
|
||
its editor William Wright to enliven the content: "It is remarkable
|
||
that the Scottish witchcrafts were not thought sufficiently hor
|
||
rible by the editor of this tract, without adding to them the story
|
||
of a philtre being applied to a cow's hair instead of that of the
|
||
|
||
young woman for whom it was designed, and telling how the ani
|
||
mal came lowing after the sorcerer to his schoolroom-door, like a
|
||
second Pasiphae, the original of which charm occurs in the story
|
||
of Apuleius" (Scott, Demonology and Witchcraft, page 30 1 ) .
|
||
|
||
|
||
### A PPE N DI X A
|
||
#### Original text of Daemonologie
|
||
|
||
DAEMONOLOGIE, IN FORME
|
||
of a Dialogue,
|
||
Diuided into three Bookes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
EDINBVRGH
|
||
Printed by Robert Walde-graue
|
||
Printer to the Kings Majestie. An. 1 597.
|
||
Cum Privilegio Regio.
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE PRE FACE
|
||
|
||
|
||
to the Reader.
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE ftare.full aboundinge at this time in this countrie, of these detestable
|
||
slaues of the Deuill, the Witches or enchaunters, hath moved me (beloued
|
||
reader) to dispatch in post, this following treatise of mine, not in any wise
|
||
(as I protest) to serue for a shew of my learning & ingine, but onely (mo
|
||
oued of conscience) to preasse I thereby, so farre as I can, to resolue the
|
||
doubting harts of many; both that such a aultes of Sathan are most certainly
|
||
practized, & that the instrumentes thereof, merits most severly to be pun
|
||
ished: against the damnable opinions of two principally in our age, wherof
|
||
the one called SCOT an Englishman, is not ashamed in publike print to deny,
|
||
|
||
|
||
22!
|
||
|
||
|
||
222 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
that ther can be such a thing as Witch-craft: and so mainteines the old error
|
||
of the Sadducees, in denying of spirits. The other called VVIERVS, a Ger
|
||
man Phisition, sets out a publick apologie for al these craftesfolkes, whereby,
|
||
procuring for their impunitie, he plainely bewrayes himselfe to haue bene
|
||
one of that profession. And for to make this treatise the more pleasaunt
|
||
and facill, I haue put it in forme of a Dialogue, which I haue diuided into
|
||
three bookes: The first spea-1 king of Magie in general, and Necroman
|
||
cie in special. The second of Sorcerie and Witch-craft: and the thirde, con
|
||
teines a discourse of all these kindes of spirits, & Spectres that appeares &
|
||
trobles persones: together with a conclusion of the whol work. My intention
|
||
in this labour, is only to proue two things, as I haue alreadie said: the one,
|
||
that such diuelish artes haue bene and are. The other, what exact trial and
|
||
seuere punishment they merite: & therefore reason I, what kinde of things
|
||
are possible to be peiformed in these arts, & by what natural! causes they
|
||
may be, not that I touch every particular thing of the Deuils power, for that
|
||
were infinite: but onelie, to speak scholasticklie, (since this can not bee spo
|
||
ken in our language) I reason vpon genus leauing species, and differen
|
||
tia to be comprehended therein. I As for example, speaking of the power of
|
||
Magiciens, in the first book & sixt Chapter: I say, that they can suddenly
|
||
cause be brought vnto them, all kindes of daintie disshes, by their familiar
|
||
spirit: Since as a thiefe he delightes to steale, and as a spirite, he can subtil
|
||
lie & suddenlie inough transport the same. Now vnder this genus, may be
|
||
comprehended al particulars, depending thereupon; Such as the bringing
|
||
Wine out of a Wall, (as we haue heard oft to haue bene practised) and such
|
||
others; which particulars, are sufficientlie proved by the reasons of the gen
|
||
eral. And such like in the second booke of Witch-craft in speciall, and fift
|
||
Chap. I say and proue by diuerse arguments, that Witches can, by the power
|
||
of their Master, cure or cast on disseases: Now by these same reasones, that
|
||
proues their power by the/Deuil of disseases in general!, is aswell proued
|
||
their power in speciall: as of weakening the nature of some men, to make
|
||
them vnable for women: and making it to abound in others, more then the
|
||
ordinary course of nature would permit. And such like in all other particu
|
||
lar sicknesses; But one thing I will pray thee to obserue in all these places,
|
||
where I reason vpon the deuils power, which is the diferent ends & scopes,
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 223
|
||
|
||
|
||
that God as the first cause, and the Devill as his instrument and second
|
||
|
||
cause shootes at in all these actiones of the Deuil, (as Gods hang-man:) For
|
||
where the deuilles intention in them is euer to perish, either the soule or the
|
||
body, or both of them, that he is so permitted to deale with: God by the con
|
||
trarie, drawes euer out of that euill glorie to himselfe, either by the wracke
|
||
of the wicked in his justice, or !by the tryall of the patient, and amendment
|
||
of the faithfoll, being wakened vp with that rod of correction. Hauing thus
|
||
declared vnto thee then, my full intention in this Treatise, thou wilt ease
|
||
lie excuse, I doubt not, aswel my pretermitting, to declare the whole par
|
||
ticular rites and secretes of these vnlawfoll artes: as also their infinite and
|
||
wounderfull practises, as being neither of them pertinent to my purpose:
|
||
the reason whereof, is giuen in the hinder ende of the first Chapter of the
|
||
thirde booke: and who likes to be curious in these thinges, he may reade, if
|
||
he will here of their practises, BODINVS D.rmonomanie, collected with
|
||
greater diligence, then written with judgement, together with their confes
|
||
sions, that haue bene at this time apprehened. If he would know what hath
|
||
bene the opinion of the Aunci-1 entes, concerning their power: he shall see it
|
||
wel descrybed by HYPERIVS, & HEMMINGIVS, two, late Germaine writ
|
||
ers: Besides innumerable other neoterick Theologues, that writes largelie
|
||
vpon that subject: And if he woulde knowe what are the particuler rites, &
|
||
curiosities of these black arts (which is both vnnecessarie and perilous,) he
|
||
will finde it in the fourth book of CORNELIVS Agrippa, and in VVIERVS,
|
||
whomof I spak. And so wishing my pains in this Treatise (beloued Reader)
|
||
to be effictual, in arming al them that reades the same, against these aboue
|
||
mentioned erroures, and recommending my good will to thy friendly accep
|
||
tation, I bid thee hartely fare-well.
|
||
JAMES Rx.
|
||
|
||
|
||
224 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
DAEMONOLOGIE, IN FOR ME of ane Dialogue
|
||
|
||
|
||
FIRST BOOKE.
|
||
ARGVMENT,
|
||
The exord of the whole. The description of Magie in special!.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. I. ARGVMENT.
|
||
Proven by the Scripture, that these vnlawfull artes in genere, have bene and
|
||
may be put in practise.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES and EPISTEMON reason the matter.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO M ATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
I AM surely verie glad to haue mette with you this daye, for I am of
|
||
opinion, that ye can better resolue me of some thing, wherof I stand
|
||
in great doubt, nor anie other whom-with I could haue mette.
|
||
EPI. In what I can, that ye like to speir at me, I will willinglie and
|
||
freelie tell my opinion, and if I proue it not sufficiently, I am heartely
|
||
content that a better reason carie it away then.
|
||
PHI. What thinke yee of these strange newes, which now one
|
||
lie furnishes purpose to al men at their meeting: I meane of these
|
||
Witches?
|
||
EPI. Surelie they are wonderfull: And I think so cleare and plaine
|
||
confessions in that purpose, haue neuer fallen out in anie age or cun
|
||
trey.
|
||
PHI. No question if they be true, but thereof the Doctours
|
||
doubtes.
|
||
EPI. What part of it doubt ye of?
|
||
PHI. Even of all, for ought I can yet perceaue: and namelie, that
|
||
there is such a thing as Witchcraft or Witches, and I would pray you
|
||
to resolue me thereof if ye may: for I haue reasoned with sundrie in
|
||
that matter, and yet could never be satisfied therein.
|
||
EPI. I shall with good will doe the best I can: But I thinke it the
|
||
difficiller, since ye denie the thing it selfe in generall: for as it is said
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 225
|
||
|
||
|
||
in the logick schools, Contra negantem principia non est disputandum.
|
||
|
||
Alwaies for that part, that witchcraft, and Witches haue bene, and
|
||
are, the former part is clearelie proved by the Scriptures, and the last
|
||
by dailie experience and confessions.
|
||
PHI. I know Yee will alleadge me Saules Pythonisse: but that as ap
|
||
peares will not make much for you.
|
||
EPI. Not onlie that place, but divers others: But I marvel why
|
||
that should not make much for me?
|
||
PHI. The reasones are these, first yee may consider, that Saul
|
||
being troubled in spirit, [marginal gloss: I Sam.28] and having fasted
|
||
long before, as the text testifieth, and being come to a woman that
|
||
was bruted to have such knowledge, and that to inquire so impor
|
||
tant news, he having so guiltie a conscience for his hainous offences,
|
||
and specially, for that same vnlawful curiositie, and horrible defec
|
||
tion: and then the woman crying out vpon the suddaine in great
|
||
admiration, for the vncouth sicht that she alledged to haue sene,
|
||
discovering him to be the King, thogh disguysed, & denied by him
|
||
before: it was no wounder I say, that his senses being thus distracted,
|
||
he could not perceaue hir faining of hir voice, hee being himselfe in
|
||
an other chalmer, and seeing nothing. Next what could be, or was
|
||
raised? The spirit of Samuel? Prophane and against all Theologie: the
|
||
Diuell in his likenes? as vnappeirant, that either God would permit
|
||
him to come in the shape of his Saintes (for then could neuer the
|
||
Prophets in those daies haue bene sure, what Spirit spake to them in
|
||
their visiones) or then that he could fore-tell what was to come there
|
||
after; for Prophecie proceedeth onelie of GOD: and the Devill hath
|
||
no knowledge of things to come.
|
||
EPI. Yet if yee will marke the wordes of the text, ye will finde
|
||
clearely, that Saul saw that apparition: for giving you that Saul
|
||
was in an other Chalmer, at the making of the circles & conjura
|
||
tiones, needeful for that purpose (as none of that craft will permit
|
||
any vthers to behold at that time) yet it is evident by the text, that
|
||
how sane that once that vnclean spirit was fully risen, shee called in
|
||
|
||
|
||
226 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
vpon Saul. For it is saide in the text, that Saule knew him to be Samuel,
|
||
which coulde not haue bene, by the hearing tell onely of an olde
|
||
man with an mantil, since there was many mo old men dead in Is
|
||
rael nor Samuel: And the common weid of that whole Cuntrey was
|
||
mantils. As to the next, that it was not the spirit of Samuel, I grant:
|
||
In the proving whereof ye neede not to insist, since all Christians
|
||
of whatso-ever Religion agrees vpon that: and none but either mere
|
||
ignorants, or Necromanciers or Witches doubtes thereof. And that
|
||
the Diuel is permitted at sam-times to put himself in the liknes of
|
||
the Saintes, it is plaine in the Scriptures, [marginal gloss: 2. Cor. 1 1 . 14.]
|
||
where it is said, that Sathan can transjorme himselfe into an Angell of
|
||
light. Neither could that bring any inconvenient with the visiones
|
||
of the Prophets, since it is most certaine, that God will not permit
|
||
|
||
him so to deceiue his own: but only such, as first wilfully deceiues
|
||
them-selves, by running vnto him, whome God then suffers to fall
|
||
in their owne snares, and justlie permittes them to be illuded with
|
||
great efficacy of deceit, because they would not beleeue the trueth
|
||
(as Paul sayth). And as to the diuelles foretelling of things to come,
|
||
it is true that he knowes not all things future, but yet that he knowes
|
||
parte, the Tragicall event of this historie declares it, (which the wit
|
||
of woman could never haue fore-spoken) not that he hath any pre
|
||
science, which is only proper to God: or yet knows anie thing by
|
||
|
||
loking vpon God, as in a mirrour (as the good Angels doe) he being
|
||
for euer debarred from the fauorable presence & countenance of
|
||
his creator, but only by one of these two meanes, either as being
|
||
worldlie wise, and taught by an continuall experience, ever since the
|
||
creation, judges by likelie-hood of thinges to come, according to the
|
||
like that hath passed before, and the naturall causes, in respect of
|
||
the vicissitude of all thinges; worldly: Or else by Gods employing
|
||
of him in a turne, and so foreseene thereof: as appeares to haue bin
|
||
in this, whereof we finde the verie like in Micheas propheticque dis
|
||
course to King Achab. [marginal gloss: I.King.22.] But to prooue this
|
||
my first proposition, that there can be such a thing as witch-craft, &
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 227
|
||
|
||
|
||
witches, there are manie mo places in the Scriptures then this (as I
|
||
said before). As first in the law of God, it is plainely prohibited: [mar
|
||
ginal gloss: Exod.22.] But certaine it is, that the Law of God speakes
|
||
nothing in vaine, nether doth it lay curses, or injoyne punishmentes
|
||
vpon shaddowes, condemning that to be il, which is not in essence
|
||
or being as we call it. Secondlie it is plaine, where wicked Pharaohs
|
||
wise-men imitated ane number of Moses miracles, to harden the ty
|
||
rants heart there by. [marginal gloss: Exod. 7 & 8.] Thirdly, said not
|
||
Samuel! to Saul!, that disobedience is as the sinne of Witch-craft? [mar
|
||
ginal gloss: I.Sam. 15.] To compare to a thing that were not, it were
|
||
too too absurd. Fourthlie, was not Simon Magus, a man of that craft?
|
||
|
||
[marginal gloss: Acts.8.] And fiftlie, what was she that had the spirit
|
||
of Python? [marginal gloss: Acts 1 6] beside innumerable other places
|
||
that were irkesom to recite.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. II. ARGV
|
||
|
||
|
||
What kyndie of sin the practizers of these vnlawfo.ll artes committes.
|
||
The division of these artes. And quhat are the meanes
|
||
that allures any to practize them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
BVT I thinke it very strange, that God should permit anie man
|
||
kynde (since they beare his owne Image) to fall in so grosse and
|
||
filthie a defection.
|
||
EPI. Although man in his Creation was made to the Image of the
|
||
Creator, [marginal gloss: Gen. l.] yet through his fall having once lost
|
||
it, it is but restored againe in a part by grace onelie to the elect: So all
|
||
the rest falling away from God, are given over in the handes of the
|
||
Devill that enemie, to beare his Image: and being once so given over,
|
||
the greatest and the grossest impietie, is the pleasantest, and most
|
||
delytefull vnto them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
228 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHI. But may it not suffice him to haue indirectly the rule, and
|
||
procure the perdition of so manie soules by alluring them to vices,
|
||
and to the following of their own appetites, suppose he abuse not so
|
||
many simple soules, in making them directlie acknowledge him for
|
||
their maister.
|
||
EPI. No surelie, for hee vses everie man, whom of he hath the
|
||
rule, according to their complexion and knowledge: And so whome
|
||
he findes most simple, he plaineliest discovers himselfe vnto them.
|
||
For hee beeing the enemie of mans Salvation, vses al the meanes he
|
||
can to entrappe them so farre in his snares, as it may be vnable to
|
||
them thereafter (suppose they would) to rid themselues out of the
|
||
same.
|
||
PHI. Then this sinne is a sinne against the holie Ghost.
|
||
EPI. It is in some, but not in all.
|
||
PHI. How that? Are not all these that runnes directlie to the Dev
|
||
ill in one Categorie.
|
||
EPI. God forbid, for the sin against the holie Ghost hath two
|
||
branches: The one a falling backe from the whole service of GOD,
|
||
and a refusall of all his preceptes. The other is the doing of the first
|
||
with knowledge, knowing that they doe wrong against their own
|
||
conscience, and the testimonie of the holie Spirit, having once had
|
||
a tast of the sweetnes of Gods mercies. [marginal gloss: Heb.6.10.]
|
||
Now in the first of these two, all sortes of Necromancers, Enchant
|
||
ers or Witches, ar comprehended: but in the last, none but such as
|
||
erres with this knowledge that I haue spoken of.
|
||
PHI. Then it appeares that there are more sortes nor one, that
|
||
are directlie professors of his service: and if so be, I pray you tell me
|
||
how manie, and what are they?
|
||
EPI. There are principallie two sortes, wherevnto all the partes of
|
||
that vnhappie arte are redacted; whereof the one is called Magie or
|
||
Necromancie, the other Sorcerie or Witch-craft.
|
||
PHI. What I pray you? and how manie are the meanes, whereby
|
||
the Devill allures persones in anie of these snares?
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 229
|
||
|
||
|
||
EPI. Even by these three passiones that are within our selues:
|
||
|
||
Curiositie in great ingines: thrist of revenge, for some tortes deeply
|
||
apprehended: or greedie appetite of geare, caused through great
|
||
pouerty. As to the first of these, Curiosity, it is onelie the inticement
|
||
of Magiciens, or Necromanciers: and the other two are the allureres
|
||
of the Sorcerers, or Witches, for that olde and craftie Serpent, being
|
||
a spirite, hee easilie spyes our affections, and so conformes himselfe
|
||
thereto, to deceaue vs to our wracke.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP III ARGV
|
||
|
||
|
||
The significations and Etymologies of the words of Magie and
|
||
Necromancie . The dierence betuixt Necromancie and Witch-craft:
|
||
What are the entressis, and beginninges, that brings anie
|
||
to the knowledge thereof
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO M ATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
I Would gladlie first heare, what thing is it that ye call Magie or Nec
|
||
romancie.
|
||
EPI. This worde Magie in the Persian toung, importes as muche
|
||
as to be ane contemplator or Interpretour of Divine and heavenlie
|
||
sciences: which being first vsed amongs the Chaldees, through their
|
||
ignorance of the true divinitie, was esteemed and reputed amongst
|
||
them, as a principall vertue: And therefore, was named vnjustlie
|
||
with an honorable stile, which name the Greekes imitated, generally
|
||
importing all these kindes of vnlawfull artes. And this word Nec
|
||
romancie is a Greek word, compounded of NEKpwv & IJ.UV"tEta,
|
||
which is to say, the Prophecie by the dead. This last name is given, to
|
||
this black & vnlawfull science by the figure Synedoche, because it is a
|
||
principal part of that art, to serue them selues with dead carcages in
|
||
their diuinations.
|
||
PHI. What difference is there betwixt this arte, and Witch -craft.
|
||
|
||
|
||
230 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
EPI. Surelie, the difference vulgare put betwixt them, is verrie
|
||
merrie, and in a maner true; for they say, that the Witches ar ser
|
||
vantes onelie, and slaues to the Devil; but the Necromanciers are his
|
||
maisters and commanders.
|
||
PHI. How can that be true, yt any men being specially adicted to
|
||
his service, can be his comanders?
|
||
EPI. Yea, they may be: but it is onelie secundum quid: For it is not
|
||
by anie power that they can haue over him, but ex pacto allanerlie:
|
||
whereby he oblices himself in some trifles to them, that he may on
|
||
the other part obteine the fruition of their body & soule, which is
|
||
the onlie thing he huntes for.
|
||
PHI. An verie in-<2D>quitable contract forsooth: But I pray you dis
|
||
course vnto mee, what is the effect and secreets of that arte?
|
||
|
||
EPI. That is over large an fielde ye giue mee: yet I shall doe good
|
||
will, the most summarlie that I can, to runne through the principal
|
||
points thereof. As there are two sorts of folkes, that may be entysed
|
||
to this arte, to wit, learned or vnlearned: so is there two meanes,
|
||
which are the first steerers vp & feeders of their curiositie, thereby
|
||
to make them to giue themselves over to the same: Which two
|
||
meanes, I call the Divels schoole, and his rudimentes. The learned
|
||
haue their curiositie wakened v e; and fedde by that which I call his
|
||
schoole: this is the Astrologie judiciar. For divers men having attained
|
||
to a great perfection in learning, & yet remaining overbare (alas)
|
||
of the spirit of regeneration and frutes thereof: finding all naturall
|
||
thinges common, aswell to the stupide pedants as vnto them, they
|
||
assaie to vendicate vnto them a greater name, by not onlie knowing
|
||
the course of things heavenlie, but likewise to dim to the knowledge
|
||
of things to come thereby. Which, at the first face appearing lawfull
|
||
vnto them, in respect the ground therof seemeth to proceed of natu
|
||
rall causes onelie: they are so allured thereby, that finding their prac
|
||
tize to prooue true in sundry things, they studie to know the cause
|
||
thereof: and so mounting from degree to degree, vpon the slipperie
|
||
and vncertaine scale of curiositie; they are at last entised, that where
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 231
|
||
|
||
|
||
lawfull artes or sciences failes, to satisfie their restles mindes, even to
|
||
seeke to that black and vnlawfull science of Magie. Where, finding
|
||
at the first, that such diuers formes of circles & conjurations right
|
||
lie joyned thereunto, will raise such divers formes of spirites, to res
|
||
olue them of their doubts: and attributing the doing thereof, to the
|
||
power inseparablie tyed, or inherent in the circles: and manie words
|
||
of God, confusedlie wrapped in; they blindlie glorie of themselves,
|
||
as if they had by their quicknes of ingine, made a conquest of Plutoes
|
||
dominion, and were become Emperours over the Stygian habitacles.
|
||
Where, in the meane time (miserable wretches) they are become in
|
||
verie deede, bond-slaues to their mortall enemie: and their knowl
|
||
edge, for all that they presume thereof, is nothing increased, except
|
||
in knowing evill, and the horrors of Hell for punishment thereof, as
|
||
Adams was [marginal gloss: Gen. 3.] by the eating of the forbidden
|
||
tree.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. IIII. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Description of the Rudiments and Schoole, which are the
|
||
entresses to the arte of Magie: And in speciall the di.rences betwixt
|
||
Astronomie and Astrologie: Diuision of Astrologie in diuers partes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHE S .
|
||
|
||
|
||
BVt I pray you likewise forget not to tell what are the Deuilles rudi
|
||
mentes.
|
||
EPI. His rudimentes, I call first in generall, all that which is called
|
||
vulgarly the vertue of worde, herbe, & stone: which is vsed by vn
|
||
lawful charmes, without naturall causes. As likewise all kinde of
|
||
practicques, freites, or other like extraordinarie actiones, which can
|
||
not abide the true toutche of naturall reason.
|
||
PHI. I would haue you to make that playner, by some particular
|
||
examples; for your proposition is verie generall.
|
||
|
||
|
||
232 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
EPI. I meane either by such kinde of Charmes as commonlie
|
||
dafte wiues vses, for healing of forspoken goodes, for preseruing
|
||
them from euill eyes, by knitting roun-trees, or sundriest kinde of
|
||
herbes, to the haire or tailes of the goodes: By curing the Worme, by
|
||
stemming of blood, by healing of Horse-crookes, by turning of the
|
||
riddle, or doing of such like innumerable things by wordes, without
|
||
applying anie thing, meete to the part offended, as Mediciners doe;
|
||
Or else by staying maried folkes, to haue naturallie adoe with other,
|
||
(by knitting so manie knottes vpon a poynt at the time of their mar
|
||
iage) And such-like things, which men vses to practise in their mer
|
||
rinesse: For fra vnlearned men (being naturallie curious, and lacking
|
||
the true knowledge of God) findes these practises to prooue true, as
|
||
sundrie of them will doe, by the power of the Devill for deceauing
|
||
men, and not by anie inherent vertue in these vaine wordes and fre
|
||
ites; & being desirous to winne a reputation to themselues in such
|
||
like turnes, they either (if they be of the shamefaster sorte) seeke to
|
||
bee learned by some that are experimented in that Arte, (not know
|
||
ing it to be euill at the first) or else being of the grosser sorte, runnes
|
||
directlie to the Deuill for ambition or desire of gaine, and plainelie
|
||
contractes with him thereupon.
|
||
|
||
PHI. But me thinkes these meanes which yee call the Schoole
|
||
and rudimentes of the Deuill, are thinges lawfull, and haue bene ap
|
||
prooued for such in all times and ages: As in special, this science of
|
||
Astrologie, which is one of the speciall members of the Mathemat
|
||
icques.
|
||
|
||
EPI. There are two thinges which the learned haue obserued
|
||
from the beginning, in the science of the Heauenlie Creatures, the
|
||
Planets, Starres, and such like: The one is their course and ordinary
|
||
motiones, which for that cause is called Astronomia: Which word is
|
||
a compound of YOI-.LOs & acrn:pwv that is to say, the law of the
|
||
Starres: And this arte indeed is one of the members of the Mathemat
|
||
icques, & not onelie lawful, but most necessarie and commendable.
|
||
The other is called Astrologia, being compounded of acr-rEpwv &
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 233
|
||
|
||
|
||
'Aoyo(, which is to say, the word, and preaching of the starres: Which
|
||
is deuided in two partes: The first by knowing thereby the powers of
|
||
simples, and sickenesses, the course of the seasons and the weather,
|
||
being ruled by their influence; which part depending vpon the for
|
||
mer, although it be not of it selfe a parte of Mathematicques: yet it is
|
||
not vnlawful, being moderatlie vsed, suppose not so necessarie and
|
||
commendable as the former. The second part is to truste so much
|
||
to their influences, as thereby to fore-tell what common-weales shall
|
||
florish or decay: what, persones shall be fortunate or vnfortunate:
|
||
what side shall winne in anie battell: What man shall obteine victo
|
||
rie at singular combate: What way, and of what age shall men die:
|
||
What horse shall winne at matche-running; and diuerse such like
|
||
incredible things, wherein Cardanus, Cornelius Agrippa, and diuerse
|
||
others haue more curiouslie then profitably written at large. Of
|
||
this roote last spoken of, springs innumerable branches; such as
|
||
the knowledge by the natiuities; the Cheiromancie, Geomantie, Hy
|
||
dromantie, Arithmantie, Physiognomic: & a thousand others: which
|
||
were much practised, & holden in great reuerence by the Gentles of
|
||
olde. And this last part of Astrologie whereof I haue spoken, which
|
||
is the root of their branches, was called by them pars fortuna?. This
|
||
parte now is vtterlie vnlawful to be trusted in, or practized amongst
|
||
christians, as leaning to no ground of natural reason: & it is this part
|
||
which I called before the deuils schole.
|
||
PHI. But yet manie of the learned are of the contrarie opinion.
|
||
EPI. I grant, yet I could giue my reasons to fortifie & maintaine
|
||
my opinion, if to enter into this disputation it wold not draw me
|
||
quite off the ground of our discours; besides the mis-spending of
|
||
the whole daie thereupon: One word onely I will answer to them, &
|
||
that in the Scriptures (which must be an infallible ground to all true
|
||
Christians) That in the Prophet Ieremie [marginal gloss: Ierem. 1 0.] it
|
||
is plainelie forbidden, to beleeue or hearken vnto them that Prophe
|
||
cies & fore-speakes by the course of the Planets & Starres.
|
||
|
||
|
||
234 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. V. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
How farre the vsing of Charmes is lawfull or vnlawfull:
|
||
The description of the formes of Circkles and Coniurationes.
|
||
And what causeth the Magicianes themselues to wearie thereof
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
WEL, Ye haue said far inough in that argument. But how prooue ye
|
||
now that these charmes or vnnaturall practicques are vnlawfull: For
|
||
so, many honest & merrie men & women haue publicklie practized
|
||
some of them, that I thinke if ye would accuse them al of Witch
|
||
craft, ye would affirme more nor ye wi be beleeued in.
|
||
EPI. I see if you had taken good tent (to the nature of that word,
|
||
whereby I named it,) ye would not haue bene in this doubt, nor mis
|
||
taken me, so farre as ye haue done: For although, as none can be
|
||
schollers in a schole, & not be subject to the master thereof: so none
|
||
can studie and put in practize (for studie the alone, and knowledge,
|
||
is more perilous nor offensiue; and it is the practise only that makes
|
||
the greatnes of the offence.) The cirkles and art of Magie, without
|
||
committing an horrible defection from God: And yet as they that
|
||
reades and learnes their rudiments, are not the more subject to anie
|
||
schoole-master, if it please not their parentes to put them to the
|
||
schoole thereafter; So they who ignorantly proues these practicques,
|
||
which I cal the deuilles rudiments, vnknowing them to be baites,
|
||
casten out by him, for trapping such as God will permit to fall in
|
||
his hands: This kinde of folkes I saie, no doubt, ar to be judged the
|
||
best of, in respect they vse no invocation nor help of him (by their
|
||
knowledge at least) in these turnes, and so haue neuer entred them
|
||
selues in Sathans seruice; Yet to speake truely for my owne part (I
|
||
speake but for my selfe) I desire not to make so neere riding: For in
|
||
my opinion our enemie is ouer craftie, and we ouer weake (except
|
||
the greater grace of God) to assay such hazards, wherein he preases
|
||
to trap vs.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 235
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHI. Ye haue reason forsooth; for as the common Prouerbe saith:
|
||
They that suppe keile with the Deuill, haue neede of long spoones.
|
||
But now I praie you goe forwarde in the describing of this arte of
|
||
Magie.
|
||
EPI. Fra they bee come once vnto this perfection in euill, in hau
|
||
ing any knowledge (whether learned or vnlearned) of this black art:
|
||
they then beginne to be wearie of the raising of their Maister, by
|
||
conjured circkles; being both so difficile and perilous, and so com
|
||
meth plainelie to a contract with him, wherein is speciallie conteined
|
||
formes and effectes.
|
||
PHI. But I praye you or euer you goe further, discourse me
|
||
some-what of their circkles and conjurationes; And what should be
|
||
the cause of their wearying thereof: For it should seeme that that
|
||
forme should be !esse fearefull yet, than the direct haunting and soci
|
||
etie, with that foule and vncleane Spirite.
|
||
EPI. I thinke ye take me to be a Witch my selfe, or at the least
|
||
would faine sweare your selfe prentise to that craft: Alwaies as I may,
|
||
I shall shortlie satisfie you, in that kinde of conjurations, which are
|
||
conteined in such bookes, which I call the Deuilles Schoole: There
|
||
are foure principall partes; the persons of the conjurers; the action
|
||
of the conjuration; the wordes and rites vsed to that effect; and
|
||
the Spirites that are conjured. Ye must first remember to laye the
|
||
ground, that I tould you before: which is, that it is no power inherent
|
||
in the circles, or in the holines of the names of God blasphemou
|
||
slie vsed: nor in whatsoeuer rites or ceremonies at that time vsed,
|
||
that either can raise any infernall spirit, or yet limitat him perforce
|
||
within or without these circles. For it is he onelie, the father of all
|
||
lyes, who hauing first of all prescribed that forme of doing, fein
|
||
ing himselfe to he commanded & restreined thereby, wil be loath
|
||
to passe the boundes of these injunctiones; aswell thereby to make
|
||
them glory in the impiring ouer him (as I saide before:) As likewise
|
||
to make himselfe so to be trusted in these little thinges, that he may
|
||
haue the better commoditie thereafter, to deceiue them in the end
|
||
|
||
|
||
236 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
with a tricke once for all; I meane the euerlasting perdition of their
|
||
soul & body. Then laying this ground, as I haue said, these conju
|
||
rationes must haue few or mo in number of the persones conjur
|
||
ers (alwaies passing the singuler number) according to the qualitie
|
||
of the circle, and forme of apparition. Two principall thinges can
|
||
not well in that errand be wanted: holie-water (whereby the Deuill
|
||
mockes the Papistes) and some present of a liuing thing vnto him.
|
||
There ar likewise certaine seasons, dayes and houres, that they ob
|
||
serue in this purpose: These things being all readie, and prepared,
|
||
circles are made triangular, quadrangular, round, double or single,
|
||
according to the forme of apparition that they craue. But to speake
|
||
of the diuerse formes of the circles, of the innumerable characters
|
||
and crosses that are within and without, and out-through the same,
|
||
of the diuers formes of apparitiones, that that craftie spirit illudes
|
||
them with, and of all such particulars in that action, I remit it to
|
||
ouer-manie that haue busied their heades in describing of the same;
|
||
as being but curious, and altogether vnprofitable. And this farre one
|
||
lie I touch, that when the conjured Spirit appeares, which will not be
|
||
while after manie circumstances, long praiers, and much muttring
|
||
and murmuring of the conjurers; like a Papist priest, dispatching a
|
||
hunting Masse: how sone I say, he appeares, if they haue missed one
|
||
iote of all their rites; or if any of their feete once slyd ouer the circle
|
||
through terror of his feareful apparition, he payes himselfe at that
|
||
time in his owne hande, of that due debt which they ought him; and
|
||
other-wise would haue delayed longer to haue payed him: I meane
|
||
hee carries them with him bodie and soule. If this be not now a just
|
||
cause to make them wearie of these formes of conjuration, I leaue it
|
||
to you to judge vpon; considering the long-somenesse of the labour,
|
||
the precise keeping of dayes and houres (as I haue said) The terrible
|
||
nesse of apparition, and the present perrell that they stande in, in
|
||
missing the least circumstance or freite, that they ought to obserue:
|
||
And on the other parte, the Deuil is glad to mooue them to a plaine
|
||
and square dealing with him as I said before.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 237
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. VI ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Deuilles contract with the Magicians: The diuision thereof in two
|
||
partes: What is the dirence betwixt Gods miracles and the Deuils.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO MATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
INdeede there is cause inough, but rather to leaue him at all, then
|
||
to runne more plainlie to him, if they were wise he delt with. But
|
||
goe forwarde now I pray you to these turnes, fra they become once
|
||
deacons in this craft.
|
||
EPI. From time that they once plainelie begin to contract with
|
||
him: The effect of their contract consistes in two thinges; in formes
|
||
and effectes, as I be gan to tell alreadie, were it not yee interrupted
|
||
me (for although the contract be mutuall; I speake first of that part,
|
||
wherein the Deuill oblishes himselfe to them) by formes, I meane
|
||
in what shape or fashion he shall come vnto them, when they call
|
||
vpon him. And by effectes, I vnderstand, in what special sorts of se
|
||
ruices he bindes himselfe to be subject vnto them. The qualitie of
|
||
these formes and effectes, is lesse or greater, according to the skil
|
||
and art of the Magician. For as to the formes, to some of the baser
|
||
sorte of them he oblishes him selfe to appeare at their calling vpon
|
||
him, by such a proper name which he shewes vnto them, either in
|
||
likenes of a dog, a Catte, an Ape, or such-like other beast; or else
|
||
to answere by a voyce onlie. The effects are to answere to such de
|
||
mands, as concernes curing of disseases, their own particular me
|
||
nagery: or such other base things as they require of him. But to the
|
||
most curious sorte, in the formes he will oblish himselfe, to enter in
|
||
a dead bodie, and there out of to giue such answers, of the euent
|
||
of battels, of maters concerning the estate of commonwelths, and
|
||
such like other great questions: yea, to some he will be a continu
|
||
all attender, in forme of a Page: He will permit himselfe to be con
|
||
jured, for the space of so many yeres, ether in a tablet or a ring, or
|
||
such like thing, which they may easely carrie about with them: He
|
||
|
||
|
||
238 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
giues them power to sel such wares to others, whereof some will
|
||
bee dearer, and some better cheape; according to the lying or true
|
||
speaking of the Spirit that is conjured therein. Not but that in verie
|
||
deede, all Devils must be lyars; but so they abuse the simplicitie of
|
||
these wretches, that becomes their schollers, that they make them
|
||
beleeue, that at the fall of Luciftr, some Spirites fell in the aire, some
|
||
in the fire, some in the water, some in the lande: In which Elemen
|
||
tes they still remaine. Whereupon they build, that such as fell in the
|
||
fire, or in the aire, are truer then they, who fell in the water or in
|
||
the land, which is al but meare trattles, & forged be the author of
|
||
al deceit. For they fel not be weight, as a solide substance, to stick
|
||
in any one parte: But the principall part of their fal, consisting in
|
||
qualitie, by the falling from the grace of God wherein they were
|
||
created, they continued still thereafter, and shal do while the latter
|
||
daie, in wandring through the worlde, as Gods hang-men, to execute
|
||
such turnes as he employes them in. And when anie of them are
|
||
not occupyed in that, re-turne they must to their prison in hel (as it
|
||
is plaine in the miracle that CHRIST wrought at Gennezareth) [mar
|
||
ginal gloss: Mat. 8.] therein at the latter daie to be all enclosed for
|
||
euer: and as they deceiue their schollers in this, so do they, in im
|
||
printing in them the opinion that there are so manie Princes, Dukes,
|
||
and Kinges amongst them, euerie one commanding fewer or mo Le
|
||
gions, and impyring in diuers artes, and quarters of the earth. For
|
||
though that I will not denie that there be a forme of ardour amongst
|
||
the Angels in Heauen, and consequentlie, was amongst them before
|
||
their fall; yet, either that they bruike the same sensine; or that God
|
||
will permit vs to know by damned Deuils, such heauenlie mysteries
|
||
of his, which he would not reueale to vs neither by Scripture nor
|
||
Prophets, I thinke no Christiane will once thinke it. But by the con
|
||
trarie of all such mysteries, as he hath closed vp with his seale of se
|
||
crecie; it becommeth vs to be contented with an humble ignorance,
|
||
they being thinges not necessarie for our saluation. But to returne
|
||
to the purpose, as these formes, wherein Sathan oblishes himselfe
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 239
|
||
|
||
|
||
to the greatest of the Magicians, are wounderfull curious; so are the
|
||
effectes correspondent vnto the same: For he will oblish himselfe to
|
||
teach them artes and sciences, which he may easelie doe, being so
|
||
learned a knaue as he is: To carrie them newes from anie parte of
|
||
the worlde, which the agilitie of a Spirite may easelie performe: to
|
||
reueale to them the secretes of anie persons, so being they bee once
|
||
spoken, for the thought none knowes but GOD; except so far as yee
|
||
may ghesse by their countenance, as one who is doubtleslie learned
|
||
inough in the Physiognomic: Yea, he will make his schollers to creepe
|
||
in credite with Princes, by fore-telling them manie greate thinges;
|
||
parte true, parte false: For if all were false, he would tyne credite
|
||
at all handes; but alwaies doubtsome, as his Oracles were. And he
|
||
will also make them to please Princes, by faire banquets and daintie
|
||
dishes, carryed in short space fra the farthest part of the worlde. For
|
||
no man doubts but he is a thiefe, and his agilitie (as I spake before)
|
||
makes him to come suche speede. Such-like, he will guard his schol
|
||
lers with faire armies of horse-men and foote-men in appearance,
|
||
castles and fortes: Which all are but impressiones in the aire, easelie
|
||
gathered by a spirite, drawing so neare to that substance himselfe: As
|
||
in like maner he will learne them manie juglarie trickes at Cardes,
|
||
dice, & such like, to deceiue mennes senses thereby: and such in
|
||
numerable false practicques; which are prouen by ouer-manie in this
|
||
age: As they who ar acquainted with that Italian called SCOTO yet
|
||
liuing, can repone. And yet are all these thinges but deluding of the
|
||
senses, and no waies true in substance, as were the false miracles
|
||
wrought by King Pharaoes Magicians, for counterfeiting Moyses: For
|
||
that is the difference betuixt Gods myracles and the Deuils, God
|
||
is a creator, what he makes appeare in miracle, it is so in effect. As
|
||
Moyses rod being casten downe, was no doubt turned in a natural
|
||
Serpent: where as the Deuill (as Gods Ape) counterfetting that by
|
||
his Magicians, maid their wandes to appeare so, onelie to mennes
|
||
outward senses: as kythed in effect by their being deuoured by the
|
||
other. For it is no wonder, that the Oeuill may delude our senses,
|
||
|
||
|
||
240 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
since we see by common proofe, that simple juglars will make an
|
||
hundreth thinges seeme both to our eies and eares otherwaies then
|
||
they are. Now as to the Magicians parte of the contract, it is in a
|
||
word that thing, which I said before, the Deuill hunts for in all men.
|
||
PHI. Surelie ye haue said much to me in this arte, if all that ye
|
||
haue said be as true as wounderfull.
|
||
EPI. For the trueth in these actiones, it will be easelie confirmed,
|
||
to anie that pleases to take paine vpon the reading of diuerse au
|
||
thenticque histories, and the inquiring of daily experiences. And
|
||
as for the trueth of their possibilitie, that they may be, and in what
|
||
maner, I trust I haue alleaged nothing whereunto I haue not joyned
|
||
such probable reasons, as I leaue to your discretion, to waie and con
|
||
sider: One word onlie I omitted; concerning the forme of making of
|
||
this contract, which is either written with the Magicians owne bloud:
|
||
or else being agreed vpon (in termes his schole-master) touches him
|
||
in some parte, though peraduenture no marke remaine: as it doth
|
||
with all Witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CH AP. VII. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The reason why the art of Magie is vnlawfull. What punishment
|
||
they merite: And who may he accounted guiltie of that crime.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
SVRELIE Ye haue made this arte to appeare verie monstruous &
|
||
detestable. But what I pray you shall be said to such as mainteines
|
||
this art to be lawfull, for as euill as you haue made it?
|
||
EPI. I say, they sauour of the panne them selues, or at least little
|
||
better, And yet I would be glad to heare their reasons.
|
||
PHI. There are two principallie, that euer I heard vsed; beside
|
||
that which is founded vpon the comon Prouerb (that the Necroman
|
||
cers commands the Deuill, which ye haue already refuted) The one
|
||
is grounded vpon a receiued custome: The other vpon an authoritie,
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 241
|
||
|
||
|
||
which some thinkes infallible. Vpon custome, we see that diuerse
|
||
Christian Princes and Magistrates seuere punishers of Witches, will
|
||
not onelie ouer-see Magicians to liue within their dominions; but
|
||
euen some-times delight to see them prooue some of their prac
|
||
ticques. The other reason is, that Moyses being brought vp (as it is
|
||
expreslie said in the Scriptures) in all the sciences of the AEgyptians;
|
||
whereof no doubt, this was one of the principalles. And he notwith
|
||
standing of this arte, pleasing God, as he did, consequentlie that art
|
||
professed by so godlie a man, coulde not be vnlawfull.
|
||
EPI. As to the first of your reasones, grounded vpon custome: I
|
||
saie, an euill custome can neuer be accepted for a good law, for the
|
||
ouer great ignorance of the worde in some Princes and Magistrates,
|
||
and the contempt thereof in others, moues them to sinne heavelie
|
||
against their office in that poynt. As to the other reasone, which
|
||
seemes to be of greater weight, if it were formed in a Syllogisme; it
|
||
behooued to be in manie termes, and full of fallacies (to speake in
|
||
termes of Logicque) for first, that that generall proposition; affirm
|
||
ing Moyses to be taught in all the sciences of the AEgyptians, should
|
||
conclude that he was taught in Magie, I see no necessity. For we must
|
||
vnderstand that the spirit of God there, speaking of sciences, vnder
|
||
standes them that are lawfull; for except they be lawfull, they are
|
||
but abusiue called sciences, & are but ignorances indeede: Nam homo
|
||
pictus, non est homo. Secondlie, giuing that he had bene taught in it,
|
||
there is great difference, betwixt knowledge and practising of a thing
|
||
(as I said before) For God knoweth all thinges, being alwaies good,
|
||
and of our sinne & our infirmitie proceedeth our ignorance. Third
|
||
lie, giuing that he had both studied and practised the same (which is
|
||
more nor monstruous to be beleeued by any Christian) yet we know
|
||
well inough, that before that euer the spirite of God began to call
|
||
Moyses, he was fled out of AEgypt, being fourtie yeares of age, for the
|
||
slaughter of an AEgyptian, and in his good-father Iethroes lande, first
|
||
called at the firie bushe, hauing remained there other fourtie yeares
|
||
in exile: so that suppose he had beene the wickeddest man in the
|
||
|
||
|
||
242 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
worlde before, he then became a changed and regenerat man, and
|
||
very litle of olde Moyses remained in him. Abraham was an Idolater
|
||
in Vr of Chalde£a, before he was called: And Paule being called Saule,
|
||
was a most sharp persecutor of the Saintes of God, while that name
|
||
was changed.
|
||
PHI. What punishment then thinke ye merites these Magicians
|
||
and Necromancers?
|
||
EPI. The like no doubt, that Sorcerers and Witches merites; and
|
||
rather so much greater, as their error proceedes of the greater
|
||
knowledge, and so drawes nerer to the sin against the holy Ghost.
|
||
And as I saye of them, so saye I the like of all such as consults, en
|
||
quires, entertaines, & ouersees them, which is seene by the miser
|
||
able endes of many that askes councell of them: For the Deuill hath
|
||
neuer better tydings to tell to any, then he tolde to Saule: neither is it
|
||
lawfull to vse so vnlawfull instrumentes, were it neuer for so good a
|
||
purpose: for that axiome in Theologie is most certaine and infallible:
|
||
|
||
[marginal gloss: Ast 3.] Nunquam faciendum est malum vt bonum inde
|
||
eueniat.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 243
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE SECONDE BOOKE OF DJEMONOLOGIE
|
||
|
||
|
||
ARGVMENT.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The description of Sorcerie an Witch-craft in speciall.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. I. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Proued by the Scripture, that such a thing can be:
|
||
And the reasones refuted of all such as would call it but an
|
||
imagination and Melancholicque humor.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO M ATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOW Since yee haue satisfied me nowe so fullie, concerning Magie
|
||
or Necromancie I will pray you to do the like in Sorcerie or Witchcraft.
|
||
|
||
EPI. That fielde is likewise verie large: and althought in the
|
||
mouthes; and peones of manie, yet fewe knowes the trueth thereof,
|
||
so wei as they beleeue themselues, as I shall so shortely as I can,
|
||
make you (God willing) as easelie to perceiue.
|
||
|
||
PHI. But I pray you before ye goe further, let mee interrupt
|
||
you here with a shorte digression: which is, that manie can scarcely
|
||
beleeue that there is such a thing as Witch-craft. Whose reasons I
|
||
wil shortely alleage vnto you, that ye may satisfie me as well in that,
|
||
as ye haue done in the rest. For first, whereas the Scripture seemes
|
||
to prooue Witchcraft to be, by diuerse examples, and speciallie by
|
||
sundrie of the same, which ye haue alleaged, it is thought by some,
|
||
that these places speakes of Magicians and Necromancers onlie, & not
|
||
of Witches. As in special, these wise men of Pharaohs, that counter
|
||
feited Moyses miracles, were Magicians say they, & not Witches: As
|
||
likewise that Pythonisse that Saul consulted with: And so was Simon
|
||
Magus in the new Testament, as that very stile importes. Second
|
||
lie, where ye would oppone the dailie practicque, & confession of
|
||
so manie, that is thought likewise to be but verie melancholicque
|
||
|
||
|
||
244 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
imaginations of simple rauing creatures. Thirdly, if Witches had
|
||
such power of Witching of folkes to death, (as they say they haue)
|
||
there had bene none left aliue long sence in the world, but they: at
|
||
the least, no good or godlie person of whatsoeuer estate, coulde
|
||
haue escaped their deuilrie.
|
||
EPI. Your three reasons as I take, ar grounded the first of them
|
||
negative vpon the Scripture: The second affirmative vpon Physicke:
|
||
And the thirde vpon the certaine proofe of experience. As to your
|
||
first, it is most true indeede, that all these wise men of Pharaoh were
|
||
Magicians of art: As likewise it appeares wei that the Pythonisse, with
|
||
whom Saul consulted, was of that same profession: & so was Simon
|
||
Magus. But yee omitted to speake of the Lawe of God, wherein are
|
||
|
||
all Magicians, Diuines, Enchanters, Sorcerers, Witches, & whatsouer
|
||
of that kinde that consultes with the Deuill, plainelie prohibited, and
|
||
alike threatned against. And besides that, she who had the Spirite of
|
||
Python, in the Actes [marginal gloss: Act. 16.], whose Spirite was put
|
||
to silence by the Apostle, coulde be no other thing but a verie Sor
|
||
cerer or Witch, if ye admit the vulgare distinction, to be in a maner
|
||
true, whereof I spake in the beginning of our conference. For that
|
||
spirit whereby she conquested such gaine to her Master, was not at
|
||
her raising or commanding, as she pleased to appoynt, but spake by
|
||
her toung, aswel publicklie, as priuatelie: Whereby she seemed to
|
||
draw nearer to the sort of Demoniakes or possessed, if that conjunc
|
||
tion betwixt them, had not bene of her owne consent: as it appeared
|
||
by her, not being tormented therewith: And by her conquesting of
|
||
such gaine to her masters (as I haue alreadie said.) As to your sec
|
||
ond reason grounded vpon Physick, in attributing their confessiones
|
||
or apprehensiones, to a naturall melancholicque humour: Anie that
|
||
pleases Physicallie to consider vpon the naturall humour of melan
|
||
cholie, according to all the Physicians, that euer writ thereupon, they
|
||
sall finde that that will be ouer short a cloak to couer their knauery
|
||
with: For as the humor of Melancholie in the selfe is blacke, heauie
|
||
and terrene, so are the symptomes thereof, in any persons that are
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 245
|
||
|
||
|
||
subject therevnto, leannes, palenes, desire of solitude: and if they
|
||
|
||
come to the highest degree therof, mere folie and Manie: where as
|
||
by the contrarie, a great nomber of them that euer haue bene con
|
||
vict or confessors of Witchcraft, as may be presently scene by manie
|
||
that haue at this time confessed: they are by the contrarie, I say,
|
||
some of them rich and worldly-wise, some of them fatte or corpu
|
||
lent in their bodies, and most part of them altogether giuen ouer to
|
||
the pleasures of the flesh, continual haunting of companie, and all
|
||
kind of merrines, both lawfull and vnlawfull, which are thinges di
|
||
rectly contrary to the symptomes of Melancholie, whereof I spake,
|
||
and further experience daylie proues how loath they are to confesse
|
||
without torture, which witnesseth their guiltines, where by the con
|
||
trary, the Melancholicques neuer spares to bewray themselues, by
|
||
their continuall discourses, feeding therby their humor in that which
|
||
they thinke no crime. As to your third reason, it scarselie merites
|
||
an answere. For if the deuill their master were not bridled, as the
|
||
scriptures teacheth vs, suppose there were no men nor women to
|
||
be his instrumentes, he could finde waies inough without anie helpe
|
||
of others to wrack a! mankinde: wherevnto he employes his whole
|
||
study, and goeth about like a roaring Lyon (as PETER saith) to that ef
|
||
fect, [marginal gloss: I.Pet.5.] but the limites of his power were set
|
||
down before the foundations of the world were laid, which he hath
|
||
not power in the least jote to transgresse. But beside all this, there
|
||
is ouer greate a certainty to proue that they are, by the daily experi
|
||
ence of the harmes that they do, both to men, and whatsoeuer thing
|
||
men possesses, whome God will permit them to be the instrumen
|
||
tes, so to trouble or visite, as in my discourse of that arte, yee shall
|
||
heare clearelie proued.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. II ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Etymologie and signification of that word of Sorcerie. The first
|
||
entresse and prentishippe of them that giues themselues to that craft.
|
||
|
||
|
||
246 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOM ATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Come on then I pray you, and returne where ye left.
|
||
EPI. This word of Sorcerie is a Latine worde, which is taken from
|
||
casting of the lot, & therefore he that vseth it, is called Sortiarius a
|
||
sorte. As to the word of Witchcraft, it is nothing but a proper name
|
||
giuen in our language. The cause wherefore they were called sor
|
||
tiarij, proceeded of their practicques seeming to come of lot or
|
||
chance: Such as the turning of the riddle: the knowing of the forme
|
||
of prayers, or such like tokens: If a person diseased woulde liue or
|
||
dye. And in generall, that name was giuen them for vsing of such
|
||
charmes, and freites, as that Crafte teacheth them. Manie poynts of
|
||
their craft and practicques are common betuixt the Magicians and
|
||
|
||
them: for they serue both one Master, althought in diuerse fash
|
||
ions. And as I deuided the Necromancers, into two sorts, learned and
|
||
vnlearned; so must I denie them in other two, riche and of better
|
||
accompt, poore and of basser degree. These two degrees now of
|
||
persones, that practises this craft, answers to the passions in them,
|
||
which (I told you before) the Deuil vsed as meanes to intyse them
|
||
to his seruice, for such of them as are in great miserie and pouertie,
|
||
he allures to follow him, by promising vnto them greate riches, and
|
||
worldlie commoditie. Such as though riche, yet burnes in a desperat
|
||
desire of reuenge, hee allures them by promises, to get their turne
|
||
satisfied to their hartes contentment. It is to be noted nowe, that
|
||
that olde and craftie enemie of ours, assailes none, though touched
|
||
with any of these two extremities, except he first finde an entresse
|
||
reddy for him, either by the great ignorance of the person he deales
|
||
with, ioyned with an euill life, or else by their carelesnes and con
|
||
tempt of God: And finding them in an vtter despair, for one of these
|
||
two former causes that I haue spoken of; he prepares the way by
|
||
feeding them craftely in their humour, and filling them further and
|
||
further with despaire, while he finde the time proper to discouer
|
||
himself vnto them. At which time, either vpon their walking solita
|
||
rie in the fieldes, or else lying pansing in their bed; but alwaies with
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 247
|
||
|
||
|
||
out the company of any other, he either by a voyce, or in likenesse
|
||
of a man inquires of them, what troubles them: and promiseth
|
||
them, a suddaine and certaine waie of remedie, vpon condition on
|
||
the other parte, that they follow his advise; and do such thinges as he
|
||
wil require of them: Their mindes being prepared before hand, as I
|
||
haue alreadie spoken, they easelie agreed vnto that demande of his:
|
||
And syne settes an other tryist, where they may meete againe. At
|
||
which time, before he proceede any further with them, he first per
|
||
swades them to addict themselues to his seruice: which being easely
|
||
obteined, he then discouers what he is vnto them: makes them to
|
||
renunce their God and Baptisme directlie, and giues them his marke
|
||
vpon some secreit place of their bodie, which remaines soare vn
|
||
healed, while his next meeting with them, and thereafter euer insen
|
||
sible, how soeuer it be nipped or pricked by any, as is dailie proued,
|
||
to giue them a proofe thereby, that as in that doing, hee could hurte
|
||
and heale them; so all their ill and well doing thereafter, must de
|
||
pende vpon him. And besides that, the intollerable dolour that they
|
||
feele in that place, where he hath marked them, serues to waken
|
||
them, and not to let them rest, while their next meeting againe: fear
|
||
ing least otherwaies they might either forget him, being as new Pren
|
||
tises, and not well inough founded yet, in that fiendlie follie: or else
|
||
remembring of that horrible promise they made him, at their last
|
||
meeting, they might skunner at the same, and preasse to call it back.
|
||
At their thirde meeting, he makes a shew to be carefull, to performe
|
||
his promises, either by teaching them waies howe to get themselues
|
||
reuenged, if they be of that sort: Or els by teaching them lessons,
|
||
how by moste vilde and vnlawfull meanes, they may obtaine gaine,
|
||
and worldlie commoditie, if they be of the other sorte.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. III. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Witches actiones diuided in two partes. The actiones proper to
|
||
their owne persones. Their actiones toward others. The forme of
|
||
their conuentiones, and adoring of their Master.
|
||
|
||
|
||
248 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
YE haue said now inough of their initiating in that ardour. It restes
|
||
then that ye discourse vpon their practises, fra they be passed Pren
|
||
tises: for I would faine heare what is possible to them to performe in
|
||
verie deede. Although they serue a common Master with the Nec
|
||
|
||
romancers, (as I haue before saide) yet serue they him in an other
|
||
forme. For as the meanes are diuerse, which allures them to these
|
||
vnlawfull artes of seruing of the Deuill; so by diuerse waies vse they
|
||
their practises, answering to these meanes, which first the Oeuill,
|
||
vsed as instrumentes in them; though al tending to one end: To wit,
|
||
the enlargeing of Sathans tyrannie, and crossing of the propaga
|
||
tion of the Kingdome of CHRIST, so farre as lyeth in the possibili
|
||
tie, either of the one or other sorte, or of the Deuill their Master.
|
||
For where the Magicians, as allured by curiositie, in the most parte
|
||
of their practises, seekes principallie the satisfying of the same, and
|
||
to winne to themselues a popular honoure and estimation: These
|
||
Witches on the other parte, being intised ether for the desire of
|
||
reuenge, or of worldly riches, their whole practises are either to
|
||
hurte men and their gudes, or what they possesse, for satisfying of
|
||
their cruell mindes in the former, or else by the wracke in quhat
|
||
soeuer sorte, of anie whome God will permitte them to haue power
|
||
off, to satisfie their greedie desire in the last poynt.
|
||
EPI. In two partes their actiones may be diuided; the actiones
|
||
of their owne persones, and the actiones proceeding from them to
|
||
wardes anie other. And this diuision being wei vnderstood, will eas
|
||
ilie resolue you, what is possible to them to doe. For although all
|
||
that they confesse is no lie vpon their parte, yet doubtlesly in my
|
||
opinion, a part of it is not indeede, according as they take it to be:
|
||
And in this I meane by the actiones of their owne persones. For as
|
||
I said before, speaking of Magie that the Deuill illudes the senses of
|
||
these schollers of his, in manie thinges, so saye I the like of these
|
||
Witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 249
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHI. Then I pray you, first to speake of that part of their owne
|
||
persons, and syne ye may come next to their actiones towardes
|
||
others.
|
||
EPI. To the effect that they may performe such seruices of their
|
||
false Master, as he employes them in, the deuill as Gods Ape, coun
|
||
terfeites in his seruantes this seruice & forme of adoration, that God
|
||
prescribed and made his seruantes to practise. For as the seruants of
|
||
GOD, publicklie vses to conveene for seruing of him, so makes he
|
||
them in great numbers to conveene (though publickly they dare not)
|
||
for his seruice. As none conueenes to the adoration and worshipping
|
||
of God, except they be marked with his seale, the Sacrament of Bap
|
||
tisme: So none serues Sathan, and conueenes to the adoring of him,
|
||
that are not marked with that marke, wherof I alredy spake. As the
|
||
Minister sent by God, teacheth plainely at the time of their publick
|
||
conuentions, how to serue him in spirit & truth: so that vncleane
|
||
spirite, in his owne person teacheth his Disciples, at the time of their
|
||
conueening, how to worke all kinde of mischiefe: And craues compt
|
||
of all their horrible and detestable proceedinges passed, for aduance
|
||
ment of his seruice. Yea, that he may the more viuelie counterfeit and
|
||
scorne God, he oft times makes his slaues to conveene in these ver
|
||
rie places, which are destinat and ordeined for the conveening of the
|
||
servantes of God (I meane by Churches) But this farre, which I haue
|
||
yet said, I not onelie take it to be true in their opiniones, but euen
|
||
so to be indeede. For the forme that he vsed in counterfeiting God
|
||
amongst the Gentiles, makes me so to thinke: As God spake by his Or
|
||
acles, spake he not so by his? As GOD had aswell bloudie Sacrifices,
|
||
as others without bloud, had not he the like? As God had Churches
|
||
sanctified to his seruice, with Altars, Priests, Sacrifices, Ceremonies
|
||
and Prayers; had he not the like polluted to his seruice? As God gaue
|
||
responses by Vrim and Thummim, gaue he not his responses by the in
|
||
tralls of beastes, by the singing of Fowles, and by their actiones in the
|
||
aire? As God by visiones, dreames, and extases reueiled what was to
|
||
come, and what was his will vnto his scruantes; vsed he not the like
|
||
|
||
|
||
250 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
meanes to forwarne his slaues of things to come? Yea, euen as God
|
||
loued cleannes, hated vice, and impuritie, & appoynted punishmen
|
||
tes therefore: vsed he not the like (though falselie I grant, and but in
|
||
eschewing the lesse inconuenient, to draw them upon a greater) yet
|
||
dissimuled he not I say, so farre as to appoynt his Priestes to keepe
|
||
their bodies deane and vndefiled, before their asking responses of
|
||
him? And feyned he not God to be a protectour of euerie vertue, and a
|
||
iust reuenger of the contrarie? This reason then moues me, that as he
|
||
is that same Deui; and as craftie nowe as he was then; so wil hee not
|
||
spare a pertelie in these actiones that I haue spoken of, concerning the
|
||
witches persones: But further, Witches oft times confesses not only his
|
||
conueening in the Church with them, but his occupying of the Pulpit:
|
||
Yea, their forme of adoration, to be the kissing of his hinder partes.
|
||
Which though it seeme ridiculous, yet may it likewise be true, seeing
|
||
we reade that in Calicute, he appearing in forme of a Goate-bucke, hath
|
||
publicklie that vn-honest homage done vnto him, by euerie one of the
|
||
people: So ambitious is he, and greedie of honour (which procured
|
||
his fall) that he will euen imitate God in that parte, where it is said,
|
||
that Moyses could see but the hinder partes of God, for the brightnesse of
|
||
his glorie: [marginal gloss: Exo. 33] And yet that speache is spoken but
|
||
|
||
avSpwnwnaSEtav
|
||
|
||
|
||
CH AP. 1111. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
What are the waies possible, wherby the witches may transport
|
||
themselues to places far distant. And what ar impossible &mere
|
||
illusiones of Sathan. And the reasons therof
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO M ATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
BVt by what way say they or think ye it possible that they can com
|
||
to these vnlawful c6uenti6s?
|
||
EPI. There is the thing which I esteeme their senses to be de
|
||
luded in, and though they lye not in confessing of it, because they
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 25 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
thinke it to be true, yet not to be so in substance or effect: for they
|
||
|
||
saie, that by diuerse meanes they may conueene, either to the ador
|
||
ing of their Master, or to the putting in practise any seruice of his,
|
||
committed vnto their charge: one way is natural, which is natural
|
||
riding, going or sayling, at what houre their Master comes and adu
|
||
ertises them. And this way may be easelie beleued: an other way is
|
||
some-what more strange: and yet is it possible to be true: which is
|
||
by being carryed by the force of the Spirite which is their conducter,
|
||
either aboue the earth or aboue the Sea swiftlie, to the place where
|
||
they are to meet: which I am perswaded to be likewaies possible, in
|
||
respect that as Habakkuk was carryed by the Angell in that forme, to
|
||
the denne where Daniell laie; [marginal gloss: Apocrypha of Bel and
|
||
the Dragon.] so thinke I, the Deuill will be reddie to imitate God, as
|
||
well in that as in other thinges: which is much more possible to him
|
||
to doe, being a Spirite, then to a mighty winde, being but a naturall
|
||
meteore, to transporte from one place to an other a solide bodie, as
|
||
is commonlie and dailie seene in practise: But in this violent forme
|
||
they cannot be carryed, but a shone boundes, agreeing with the
|
||
space that they may reteine their breath: for if it were longer, their
|
||
breath could not remaine vnextinguished, their bodie being carryed
|
||
in such a violent & forceable maner, as be example: If one fall off an
|
||
small height, his life is but in perrell, according to the harde or soft
|
||
lighting: But if one fall from an high and stay rocke, his breath wilbe
|
||
forceablie banished from the bodie, before he can win to the earth,
|
||
as is oft seen by experience. And in this transporting they say them
|
||
selues, that they are inuisible to anie other, except amongst themse
|
||
lues; which may also be possible in my opinion. For if the deuil may
|
||
forme what kinde of impressiones he pleases in the aire, as I haue
|
||
said before, speaking of Magie, why may he not far easilier thicken
|
||
|
||
& obscure so the air, that is next about them by contracting it strait
|
||
together, that the beames of any other mans eyes, cannot pearce
|
||
thorow the same, to see them? But the third way of their comming
|
||
to their conuentions, is, that where in I think them deluded: for
|
||
|
||
|
||
252 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
some of them sayeth, that being transformed in the likenesse of a
|
||
little beast or foule, they will come and pearce through whatsoeuer
|
||
house or Church, though all ordinarie passages be closed, by what
|
||
soeuer open, the aire may enter in at. And some sayeth, that their
|
||
bodies lying stil as in an extasy, their spirits wil be rauished out of
|
||
their bodies, & caried to such places. And for verefying therof, wil
|
||
giue euident tokens, aswel by witnesses that haue seene their body
|
||
lying senseles in the meane time, as by naming persones, whomwith
|
||
they mette, and giuing tokens quhat purpose was amongst them,
|
||
whome otherwaies they could not haue knowen: for this forme of
|
||
journeing, they affirme to vse most, when they are transported from
|
||
one Countrie to another.
|
||
PHI. Surelie I long to heare your owne opinion of this: For they
|
||
|
||
are like old wiues trattles about the fire.
|
||
EPI. The reasons that moues me to thinke that these are meere
|
||
illusiones, ar these. First for them that are transformed in likenes of
|
||
beastes or foules, can enter through so narrow passages, although I
|
||
may easelie beleeue that the Deuill coulde by his woorkemanshippe
|
||
vpon the aire, make them appeare to be in such formes, either to
|
||
themselues or to others: Yet how he can contract a solide bodie within
|
||
so little roome, I thinke it is directlie contrarie to it selfe, for to be
|
||
made so little, and yet not diminished: To be so straitlie drawen to
|
||
gether, and yet feele no paine; I thinke it is so contrarie to the qualitie
|
||
of a naturall bodie, and so like to the little transubstantiat god in the
|
||
Papistes Masse, that I can neuer beleeue it. So to haue a quantitie, is
|
||
so proper to a solide bodie, that as all Philosophers concludes, it can
|
||
not be any more without one, then a spirite can haue one. For when
|
||
PETER came out of the prison, and the doores all locked: [marginal gloss:
|
||
Act. 12.] It was not by any contracting of his bodie in so little roome:
|
||
but by the giuing place of the dore, though vn-espyed by the Gaylors.
|
||
And yet is there no comparison, when this is done, betuixt the power
|
||
of God, and of the Deuill. As to their forme of extasie and spiritu
|
||
all transporting, it is certaine the soules going out of the bodie, is the
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 253
|
||
|
||
|
||
onely difinition of naturall death: and who are once dead, God forbid
|
||
wee should thinke that it should lie in the power of all the Deuils in
|
||
Hell, to restore them to their life againe: Although he can put his owne
|
||
spirite in a dead bodie, which the Necromancers commonlie practise, as
|
||
yee haue harde. For that is the office properly belonging to God; and
|
||
besides that, the soule once parting from the bodie, cannot wander
|
||
anie longer in the worlde, but to the owne resting place must it goe
|
||
immediatlie, abiding the conjunction of the bodie againe, at the lat
|
||
ter daie. And what CHRIST or the Prophets did miraculouslie in this
|
||
case, it cannot in no Christian mans opinion be maid common with
|
||
the Deuill. As for anie tokens that they giue for proouing of this, it is
|
||
verie possible to the Deuils craft, to perswade them to these meanes.
|
||
For he being a spirite, may hee: not so rauishe their thoughtes, and
|
||
dull their sences, that their bodie lying as dead, hee may object to their
|
||
spirites as it were in a dreame, & (as the Poets write of Morpheus) rep
|
||
resente such formes of persones, of places, and other circumstances,
|
||
as he pleases to illude them with? Yea, that he maie deceiue them
|
||
with the greater efficacie, may hee not at that same instant, by fel
|
||
low angelles of his, illude such other persones so in that same fashion,
|
||
whome with he makes them to beleeue that they mette; that all their
|
||
reportes and tokens, though seuerallie examined, may euerie one
|
||
agree with an other. And that whatsoeuer actiones, either in hurting
|
||
men or beasts: or whatsoeuer other thing that they falselie imagine, at
|
||
that time to haue done, may by himselfe or his marrowes, at that same
|
||
time be done indeede; so as if they would giue for a token of their
|
||
being rauished at the death of such a person within so shorte space
|
||
thereafter, whom they beleeue to haue poysoned, or witched at that
|
||
instante, might hee not at that same houre, haue smitten that same
|
||
person by the permission of GOD, to the farther deceiuing of them,
|
||
and to mooue others to beleeue them? And this is surelie the likeliest
|
||
way, and most according to reason, which my judgement can finde
|
||
out in this, and whatsoeuer vther vnnaturall poyntes of their confes
|
||
sion. And by these meanes shall we saill surelie, betuixt Charybdis and
|
||
|
||
|
||
254 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
Scylla, in eschewing the not beleeuing of them altogether on the one
|
||
part, least that drawe vs to the errour that there is no Witches: and on
|
||
the other parte in beleeuing of it, make vs to eschew the falling into
|
||
innumerable absurdities, both monstruouslie against all Theologie di
|
||
uine, and Philosophic humaine.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. V ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Witches actiones towardes others. Why there are more women of
|
||
that craft nor men? What thinges are possible to them to effictuate
|
||
by the power of their master. The reasons thereof What is the surest
|
||
remedie of the harmes done by them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
FOrsooth your opinion in this, seemes to carrie most reason with
|
||
it, and sence yee haue ended, then the actions belonging properly
|
||
to their owne persones: say forwarde now to their actiones vsed
|
||
towardes others.
|
||
EPI. In their actiones vsed towardes others, three thinges ought
|
||
to be considered: First the maner of their consulting thereupon:
|
||
Next their part as instrumentes: And last their masters parte, who
|
||
puts the same in execution. As to their consultationes thereupon,
|
||
they vse them oftest in the Churches, where they conveene for ador
|
||
ing: at what time their master enquiring at them what they would
|
||
be at: euerie one of them propones vnto him, what wicked turne
|
||
they would haue done, either for obteining of riches, or for reueng
|
||
ing them vpon anie whome they haue malice at: who granting their
|
||
demande, as no doubt willinglie he wil, since it is to doe euill, he
|
||
teacheth them the means, wherby they may do the same. As for lit
|
||
tle trifling turnes that women haue ado with, he causeth them to
|
||
ioynt dead corpses, & to make powders thereof, mixing such other
|
||
thinges there amongst, as he giues vnto them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 255
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHI. But before yee goe further, permit mee I pray you to inter
|
||
rupt you one worde, which yee haue put mee in memorie of, by
|
||
speaking of Women. What can be the cause that there are twentie
|
||
women giuen to that craft, where ther is one man?
|
||
EPI. The reason is easie, for as that sexe is frailer then man is, so
|
||
is it easier to be intrapped in these grosse snares of the Deuill, as was
|
||
ouer well proued to be true, by the Serpents deceiuing of Eua at the
|
||
beginning, which makes him the homelier with that sexe sensine.
|
||
PHI. Returne now where ye left.
|
||
EPI. To some others at these times hee teacheth, how to make
|
||
Pictures of waxe or clay: That by the rosting thereof, the persones;
|
||
that they beare the name of, may be continuallie melted or dryed
|
||
awaie by continuall sicknesse. To some hee giues such stones or
|
||
poulders, as will helpe to cure or cast on diseases: And to some he
|
||
teacheth kindes of vncouthe poysons, which Mediciners vnder
|
||
standes not (for he is farre cunningner then man in the knowledge
|
||
of all the occult proprieties of nature) not that anie of these meanes
|
||
which hee teacheth them (except the poysons which are composed of
|
||
thinges naturall) can of them selues helpe any thing to these turnes,
|
||
that they are employed in, but onelie being Gods Ape, as well in that,
|
||
as in all other thinges. Even as God by his Sacramentes which are
|
||
earthlie of themselues workes a heavenlie effect, though no waies by
|
||
any cooperation in them: And as CHRIST by clay & spettle wrought
|
||
together, opened the eies of the blynd man, [marginal gloss: John. 9.] sup
|
||
pose there was no vertue in that which he outwardlie applyed, so
|
||
the Deuill will haue his out-warde meanes to be shewes as it were
|
||
of his doing, which hath no part of cooperation in his turnes with
|
||
him, how farre that euer the ignorantes be abused in the contrarie.
|
||
And as to the effectes of these two former partes, to wit, the consul
|
||
tationes and the outward meanes, they are so wounderfull as I dare
|
||
not allege anie of them, without ioyning a sufficient reason of the
|
||
possibilitie thereof. For leauing all the small trifles among wiues, and
|
||
to speake of the principall poyntes of their craft. For the common
|
||
|
||
|
||
256 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
trifles thereof, they can do without conuerting well inough by them
|
||
selues: These principall poyntes I say are these: They can make men
|
||
or women to laue or hate other, which may be verie possible to the
|
||
Deuil to effectuat, seing he being a subtile spirite, knowes well in
|
||
ough how to perswade the corrupted affection of them whom God
|
||
will permit him so to deale with: They can lay the siknesse of one
|
||
vpon an other, which likewise is verie possible vnto him: For since
|
||
by Gods permission, he layed siknesse vpon lOB, why may he not
|
||
farre easilier lay it vpon any other: For as an old practisian, he knowes
|
||
well inough what humor domines most in anie of vs, and as a spir
|
||
ite hee can subtillie walken vp the same, making it peccant, or to
|
||
abounde, as he thinkes meete for troubling of vs, when God will so
|
||
permit him. And for the taking off of it, no doubt he will be glad to
|
||
reliue such of present paine, as he may thinke by these meanes to
|
||
perswade to bee catched in his euerlasting snares and fetters. They
|
||
can be-witch and take the life of men or women, by rosting of the
|
||
Pictures, as I spake of before, which likewise is verie possible to their
|
||
Master to performe, for although, (as I saide before) that instrumente
|
||
of waxe haue no vertue in that turne doing, yet may hee not verie
|
||
well euen by that same measure that his conjured slaues meltes that
|
||
waxe at the fire, may he not I say at these same times, subtilie as a
|
||
spirite so weaken and scatter the spirites of life of the patient, as may
|
||
make him on th' one part, for faintnesse to sweate out the humour of
|
||
his bodie: And on the other parte, for the not concurrence of these
|
||
spirites, which causes his digestion, so debilitat his stomak, that his
|
||
humour radicall continually, sweating out on the one parte, and no
|
||
new good suck being put in the place thereof, for lack of digestion on
|
||
the other, hee at last shall vanish awaie, euen as his picture will doe at
|
||
the fire. And that knauish and cunning woorkeman, by troubling him
|
||
onely at some times, makes a proportion so neare betuixt the woork
|
||
ing of the one and the other, that both shall ende as it were at one
|
||
time. They can rayse stormes and tempestes in the aire, either vpon
|
||
Sea or land, though not vniuersally, but in such a particular place and
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 257
|
||
|
||
|
||
prescribed boundes, as God will permitte them so to trouble: Which
|
||
likewise is verie easie to be discerned from anie other naturall tem
|
||
pestes that are meteores, in respect of the suddaine and violent rais
|
||
ing thereof, together with the short induring of the same. And this is
|
||
likewise verie possible to their master to do, he hauing such affinitie
|
||
with the aire as being a spirite, and hauing such power of the forming
|
||
and moouing thereof, as ye haue heard me alreadie declare: For in the
|
||
Scripture, that stile of the Prince of the aire is giuen vnto him [marginal
|
||
gloss: Ephes. 2]. They can make folkes to becom phrenticque or Ma
|
||
niacque, which likewise is very possible to their master to do, sence
|
||
they are but naturall sicknesses: and so he may lay on these kindes,
|
||
aswell as anie others. They can make spirites either to follow and
|
||
trouble persones, or haunt certaine houses, and affraie oftentimes the
|
||
inhabitantes: as hath bene knowen to be done by our Witches at this
|
||
time. And likewise they can make some to be possessed with spirites,
|
||
|
||
& so to becom verie D.emoniacques: and this last sorte is verie pos
|
||
sible likewise to the Deuill their Master to do, since he may easilie
|
||
send his owne angells to trouble in what forme he pleases, any whom
|
||
God wil permit him so to vse.
|
||
PHI. But will God permit these wicked instrumentes by the
|
||
power of the Deuill their master, to trouble by anie of these meanes,
|
||
anie that beleeues in him?
|
||
EPI. No doubt, for there are three kinde of folkes whom God
|
||
will permit so to be tempted or troubled; the wicked for their hor
|
||
rible sinnes, to punish them in the like measure; The godlie that are
|
||
sleeping in anie great sinnes or infirmities and weakenesse in faith,
|
||
to waken them vp the faster by such an vncouth forme: and euen
|
||
some of the best, that their patience may bee tryed before the world,
|
||
as lOBS was. For why may not God vse anie kinde of extraordinarie
|
||
punishment, when it pleases him; as well as the ordinarie roddes of
|
||
sicknesse or other aduersities.
|
||
PHI. Who then may he free from these Deuilish practises?
|
||
|
||
|
||
258 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
EPI. No man ought to presume so far as to promise anie impu
|
||
nitie to himselfe: for God hath before all beginninges preordinated
|
||
aswell the particular sortes of Plagues as of benefites for euerie man,
|
||
which in the owne time he ordaines them to be visited with, & yet
|
||
ought we not to be the more affrayde for that, of any thing that the
|
||
Deuill and his wicked instrumentes can do against vs: For we dailie
|
||
fight against the Deuill in a hundreth other waies: And therefore as
|
||
a valiant Captaine, affraies no more being at the combat, nor stayes
|
||
from his purpose for the rummishing shot of a Cannon, nor the
|
||
small clack of a Pistolet: suppose he be not certaine what may light
|
||
vpon him; Euen so ought we boldlie to goe forwarde in fighting
|
||
against the Deuill without anie greater terrour, for these his rarest
|
||
weapons, nor for the ordinarie whereof wee haue daily the proofe.
|
||
PHI. Is it not lawfull then by the helpe of some other Witche to
|
||
cure the disease that is casten on by that craft?
|
||
EPI. No waies lawfull: For I gaue you the reason thereof in that
|
||
axiome of Theologie, which was the last wordes I spake of Magie.
|
||
PHI. How then may these diseases he lawfullie cured?
|
||
EPI. Onelie by earnest prayer to GOD, by amendement of their
|
||
liues, and by sharp persewing euerie one, according to his calling of
|
||
these instrumentes of Sathan, whose punishment to the death will be
|
||
a salutarie sacrifice for the patient. And this is not onely the lawfull
|
||
way, but likewise the most sure: For by the Deuils meanes, can neuer
|
||
the Deuill be casten out, as Christ sayeth. [marginal gloss: Mark. 3] And
|
||
when such a cure is vsed, it may wel serue for a shorte time, but at the
|
||
last, it will doubtleslie tend to the vtter perdition of the patient, both
|
||
in bodie and soule.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. VI. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
What sorte of folkes are least or most subiect to receiue harme by
|
||
Witchcraft. What power they haue to harme the Magistrate, and vpon
|
||
what respectes they haue any power in prison: And to what end may or
|
||
will the Deuill appeare to them therein. Vpon what respectes the Deuill
|
||
appeires in sundry shapes to sundry of them at any time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 259
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO MATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
BVt who dare take vpon him to punish them, if no man can be sure
|
||
to be free from their vnnaturall inuasiones?
|
||
|
||
EPI. We ought not the more of that restraine from vertue, that
|
||
the way wherby we climbe thereunto be straight and perrilous. But
|
||
besides that, as there is no kinde of persones so subject to receiue
|
||
harme of them, as these that are of infirme and weake faith (which
|
||
is the best buckler against such inuasiones:) so haue they so smal
|
||
power ouer none) as ouer such as zealouslie and earnestlie persewes
|
||
them, without sparing for anie worldlie respect.
|
||
PHI. Then they are like the Pest, which smites these sickarest,
|
||
that flies it farthest, and apprehends deepliest the perrell thereof.
|
||
EPI. It is euen so with them: For neither is it able to them to vse
|
||
anie false cure vpon a patient, except the patient first beleeue in their
|
||
power, and so hazard the tinsell of his owne soule, nor yet can they
|
||
haue !esse power to hurte anie, nor such as contemnes most their
|
||
doinges, so being it comes of faith, and not of anie vaine arrogancie
|
||
in themselues.
|
||
|
||
PHI. But what is their power against the Magistrate?
|
||
|
||
EPI. Lesse or greater, according as he deales with them. For if he
|
||
be slouthfull towardes them, God is verie able to make them instru
|
||
mentes to waken & punish his slouth. But if he be the contrarie, he
|
||
according to the iust law of God, and allowable law of all Nationes,
|
||
will be diligent in examining and punishing of them: GOD will not
|
||
permit their master to trouble or hinder so good a woorke.
|
||
PHI. But fra they be once in handes and firmance, haue they anie
|
||
further power in their craft?
|
||
EPI. That is according to the forme of their detention. If they be
|
||
but apprehended and deteined by anie priuate person, vpon other
|
||
priuate respectes, their power no doubt either in escaping, or in
|
||
doing hurte, is no !esse nor euer it was before. But if on the other
|
||
parte, their apprehending and detention be by the lawfull Magis
|
||
trate, vpon the iust respectes of their guiltinesse in that craft, their
|
||
power is then no greater then before that euer they medled with
|
||
|
||
|
||
260 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
their master. For where God beginnes iustlie to strike by his lawfull
|
||
Lieutennentes, it is not in the Deuilles power to defraude or bereaue
|
||
him of the office, or effect of his powerfull and reuenging Scepter.
|
||
PHI. But will neuer their master come to visite them, fra they be
|
||
once apprehended and put in firmance?
|
||
EPI. That is according to the estaite that these miserable
|
||
wretches are in: For if they be obstinate in still denying, he will not
|
||
spare, when he findes time to speake with them, either if he finde
|
||
them in anie comfort, to fill them more and more with the vaine
|
||
hope of some maner of reliefe: or else if hee finde them in a deepe
|
||
dispaire, by all meanes to augment the same, and to perswade them
|
||
by some extraordinarie meanes to put themselues downe, which
|
||
verie commonlie they doe. But if they be penitent and confesse, God
|
||
will not permit him to trouble them anie more with his presence
|
||
and alurementes.
|
||
PHI. It is not good vsing his counsell I see then. But I woulde
|
||
earnestlie know when he appeares to them in Prison, what formes
|
||
vses he then to take?
|
||
EPI. Diuers formes, euen as he vses to do at other times vnto
|
||
them. For as I told you, speking of Magie, he appeares to that kinde
|
||
of craftes-men ordinarily in an forme, according as they agree vpon
|
||
it amongst themselues: Or if they be but premises, according to the
|
||
qualitie of their circles or conjurationes: Yet to these capped crea
|
||
tures, he appeares as he pleases, and as he findes meetest for their
|
||
humors. For euen at their publick conuentiones, he appeares to
|
||
diuers of them in diuers formes, as we haue found by the difference
|
||
of their confessiones in that point: For he deluding them with vaine
|
||
impressiones in the aire, makes himselfe to seeme more terrible to
|
||
the grosser sorte, that they maie thereby be moued to feare and
|
||
reuerence him the more: And les monstrous and vncouthlike againe
|
||
to the craftier sorte, least otherwaies they might sturre and skunner
|
||
at his vglinesse.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 261
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHI. How can he then be felt, as they confesse they haue done
|
||
him, if his bodie be but of aire?
|
||
EPI. I heare little of that amongst their confessiones, yet may
|
||
he make himselfe palpable, either by assuming any dead bodie, and
|
||
vsing the ministrie thereof, or else by deluding as wel their sence of
|
||
feeling as seeing; which is not impossible to him to doe, since all our
|
||
senses, as we are so weake, and euen by ordinarie sicknesses will be
|
||
often times deluded.
|
||
PHI. But I would speere one worde further yet, concerning
|
||
his appearing to them in prison, which is this. May any other that
|
||
chances to be present at that time in the prison, see him as well as
|
||
they.
|
||
EPI. Some-times they will, and some-times not, as it pleases God.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. VII. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Two formes of the deuils visible conuersing in the earth, with the
|
||
reasones wherefore the one of them was communest in the time
|
||
of Papistrie : And the other sensine. Those that denies the power of
|
||
the Deuill, denies the power of God, and are guiltie of the errour
|
||
of the Sadduces.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO MATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
HAth the Deuill then power to appeare to any other, except to such
|
||
as are his sworne disciples: especially since al Oracles, & such like
|
||
kinds of illusiones were taken awaie and abolished by the cumming
|
||
of CHRIST?
|
||
EPI. Although it be true indeede, that the brightnesse of the Gos
|
||
pell at his cumming, scaled the cloudes of all these grosse errors in
|
||
the Gentilisme: yet that these abusing spirites, ceases not sensine at
|
||
sometimes to appeare, dailie experience teaches vs. Indeede this dif
|
||
ference is to be marked betwixt the formes of Sathans conuersing
|
||
visiblie in the world. For of two different formes thereof, the one of
|
||
|
||
|
||
262 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
them by the spreading of the Euangell, and conquest of the white
|
||
horse, in the sixt Chapter of the Reuelation, is much hindred and
|
||
become rarer there through. This his appearing to any Christians,
|
||
troubling of them outwardly, or possessing of them constraynedly.
|
||
The other of them is become communer and more vsed sensine, I
|
||
meane by their vnlawfull artes, whereupon our whole purpose hath
|
||
bene. This we finde by experience in this Ile to be true. For as we
|
||
know, moe Ghostes and spirites were seene, nor tongue can tell, in
|
||
the time of blinde Papistrie in these Countries, where now by the
|
||
contrarie, a man shall scarcely all his time here once of such things.
|
||
And yet were these vnlawfull artes farre rarer at that time: and neuer
|
||
|
||
were so much harde of, nor so rife as they are now.
|
||
|
||
PHI. What should be the cause of that?
|
||
EPI. The diuerse nature of our sinnes procures at the Justice
|
||
of God, diuerse sortes of punishments answering thereunto. And
|
||
therefore as in the time of Papistrie, our fathers erring grosselie, &
|
||
through ignorance, that mist of errours ouershaddowed the Deuill
|
||
|
||
to walke the more familiarlie amongst them: And as it were by bar
|
||
nelie and affraying terroures, to mocke and accuse their barnelie er
|
||
roures. By the contrarie, we now being sounde of Religion, and in
|
||
our life rebelling to our profession, God iustlie by that sinne of rebel
|
||
lion, as Samuel calleth it, accuseth our life so wilfullie fighting against
|
||
our profession.
|
||
PHI. Since yee are entred now to speake of the appearing of spir
|
||
ites: I would be glad to heare your opinion in that matter. For manie
|
||
denies that anie such spirites can appeare in these daies as I haue
|
||
said.
|
||
EPI. Doubtleslie who denyeth the power of the Deuill, woulde
|
||
likewise denie the power of God, if they could for shame. For since
|
||
the Deuill is the verie contrarie opposite to God, there can be no
|
||
better way to know God, then by the contrarie; as by the ones power
|
||
(though a creature) to admire the power of the great Creator: by the
|
||
falshood of the one to considder the trueth of the other, by the injus
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 263
|
||
|
||
|
||
tice of the one, to considder the lustice of the other: And by the cru
|
||
elty of the one, to considder the mercifulnesse of the other: And so
|
||
foorth in all the rest of the essence of God, and qualities of the Deuill.
|
||
But I feare indeede, there be ouer many Sadduces in this worlde, that
|
||
denies all kindes of spirites: For convicting of whose errour, there is
|
||
cause inough if there were no more, that God should permit at some
|
||
times spirits visiblie to kyith.
|
||
|
||
|
||
264 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE THIRDE BOOKE OF DJEMONOLGIE
|
||
|
||
|
||
ARGVMENT.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The description of all these kindes of
|
||
Spirites that troubles men or women.
|
||
The conclusion of the whole Dialogue.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. I. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The diuision of spirites in foure principall kindes. The description
|
||
of the first kinde of them, called Spectra & vmbra: mortuorum.
|
||
|
||
What is the best way to be free of their trouble.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHE S .
|
||
|
||
|
||
I Pray you now then go forward in telling what ye thinke fabulous,
|
||
or may be trowed in that case.
|
||
EPI. That kinde of the Deuils conuersing in the earth, may be
|
||
diuided in foure different kindes, whereby he affrayeth and troubleth
|
||
the bodies of men: For of the abusing of the soule, I haue spoken
|
||
alreadie. The first is, where spirites troubles some houses or solitarie
|
||
places: The second, where spirites followes vpon certaine persones,
|
||
and at diuers houres troubles them: The thirde, when they enter
|
||
within them and possesse them: The fourth is these kinde of spirites
|
||
that are called vulgarlie the Fayrie. Of the three former kindes, ye
|
||
harde alreadie, how they may artificiallie be made by Witch-craft to
|
||
trouble folke: Now it restes to speake of their naturall comming as it
|
||
were, and not raysed by Witch-craft. But generally I must for-warne
|
||
you of one thing before I enter in this purpose: that is, that although
|
||
in my discourseing of them, I deuyde them in diuers kindes, yee
|
||
must notwithstanding there of note my Phrase of speaking in that:
|
||
For doubtleslie they are in effect, but all one kinde of spirites, who
|
||
for abusing the more of mankinde, takes on these sundrie shapes,
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 265
|
||
|
||
|
||
and vses diuerse formes of out-ward actiones, as if some were of na
|
||
ture better then other. Nowe I returne to my purpose: As to the first
|
||
kinde of these spirites, that were called by the auncients by diuers
|
||
names, according as their actions were. For if they were spirites that
|
||
haunted some houses, by appearing in diuers and horrible formes,
|
||
and making greate dinne: they were called Lemures or Spectra. If they
|
||
appeared in likenesse of anie defunct to some friends of his, they
|
||
wer called vmbr.x mortuorum: And so innumerable stiles they got, ac
|
||
cording to their actiones, as I haue said alreadie. As we see by experi
|
||
ence, how manie stiles they haue given them in our language in the
|
||
like maner: Of the appearing of these spirites, wee are certified by
|
||
the Scriptures, where the Prophet ESAY 1 3 . and 34. cap. [marginal
|
||
gloss: Easy. 13 Jere. 50] threatning the destruction of Babell and Edam:
|
||
declares, that it shal not onlie be wracked, but shall become so gre
|
||
ate a solitude, as it shall be the habitackle of Howlettes, and of ZIIM
|
||
and liM, which are the proper Hebrewe names for these Spirites.
|
||
The cause whie they haunte solitarie places, it is by reason, that they
|
||
may affraie and brangle the more the faith of suche as them alone
|
||
hauntes such places. For our nature is such, as in companies wee are
|
||
not so soone mooued to anie such kinde of feare, as being solitare,
|
||
which the Deuill knowing well inough, hee will not therefore assaile
|
||
vs but when we are weake: And besides that, GOD will not permit
|
||
him so to dishonour the societies and companies of Christians, as in
|
||
publicke times and places to walke visiblie amongst them. On the
|
||
other parte, when he troubles certaine houses that are dwelt in, it is
|
||
a sure token either of grosse ignorance, or of some grosse and slan
|
||
derous sinnes amongst the inhabitantes thereof: which God by that
|
||
extraordinarie rod punishes.
|
||
PHI. But by what way or passage can these Spirites enter in these
|
||
houses, seeing they alledge that they will enter, Doore and Window
|
||
being steiked?
|
||
|
||
EPI. They will choose the passage for their entresse, according
|
||
to the forme that they are in at that time. For if they haue assumed
|
||
|
||
|
||
266 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
a deade bodie, whereinto they lodge themselues, they can easely
|
||
inough open without dinne anie Doore or Window, and enter in
|
||
thereat. And if they enter as a spirite onelie, anie place where the
|
||
aire may come in at, is large inough an entrie for them: For as I said
|
||
before, a spirite can occupie no quantitie.
|
||
PHI. And will God then permit these wicked spirites to trouble
|
||
the reste of a dead bodie, before the resurrection thereof? Or if he
|
||
will so, I thinke it should be of the reprobate onely.
|
||
EPI. What more is the reste troubled of a dead bodie, when the
|
||
Deuill carryes it out of the Graue to serue his turne for a space,
|
||
nor when the Witches takes it vp and joyntes it, or when as Swine
|
||
wortes vppe the graues? The rest of them that the Scripture speakes
|
||
of, is not meaned by a locall remaining continuallie in one place,
|
||
but by their resting from their trauelles and miseries of this worlde,
|
||
while their latter conjunction againe with the soule at that time to
|
||
receaue full glorie in both. And that the Deuill may vse aswell the
|
||
ministrie of the bodies of the faithfull in these cases, as of the vn
|
||
faithfull, there is no inconvenient; for his haunting with their bod
|
||
ies after they are deade, can no-waies defyle them: In respect of the
|
||
soules absence. And for anie dishonour it can be vnto them, by what
|
||
reason can it be greater, then the hanging, heading, or many such
|
||
shameful deaths, that good men will suffer? for there is nothing in
|
||
the bodies of the faithfull, more worthie of honour, or freer from
|
||
corruption by nature, nor in these of the vnfaithful, while time they
|
||
be purged and glorified in the latter daie, as is dailie seene by the
|
||
vilde diseases and corruptions, that the bodies of the faythfull are
|
||
subject vnto, as yee will see clearelie proued, when I speake of the
|
||
possessed and 0C£moniacques.
|
||
PHI. Yet there are sundrie that affirmes to haue haunted such
|
||
places, where these spirites are alleaged to be: And coulde neuer
|
||
heare nor see anie thing.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 267
|
||
|
||
|
||
EPI. I thinke well: For that is onelie reserued to the secreete
|
||
|
||
knowledge of God, whom he wil permit to see such thinges, and
|
||
whome not.
|
||
|
||
PHI . But where these spirites hauntes and troubles anie houses,
|
||
what is the best waie to banishe them?
|
||
EPI. By two meanes may onelie the remeid of such things be
|
||
procured: The one is ardent prayer to God, both of these persones
|
||
that are troubled with them, and of that Church whereof they are.
|
||
The other is the purging of themselues by amende ment of life from
|
||
such sinnes, as haue procured that extraordinarie plague.
|
||
PHI. And what meanes then these kindes of spirites, when they
|
||
appeare in the shaddow of a person newlie dead, or to die, to his
|
||
friendes?
|
||
EPI. When they appeare vpon that occasion, they are called
|
||
Wraithes in our language. Amongst the Gentiles the Deuill vsed that
|
||
much, to make them beleeue that it was some good spirite that ap
|
||
peared to them then, ether to forewarne them of the death of their
|
||
friend; or else to discouer vnto them, the will of the defunct, or
|
||
what was the way of his slauchter, as is written in the booke of the
|
||
histories Prodigious. And this way hee easelie decciued the Gentiles,
|
||
because they knew not God: And to that same effect is it, that he
|
||
now appeares in that maner to some ignorant Christians. For he
|
||
dare not so illude anie that knoweth that, neither can the spirite of
|
||
the defunct returne to his friend, or yet an Angell vse such formes.
|
||
PHI. And are not our war-woolfes one sorte of these spirits also,
|
||
that hauntes and troubles some houses or dwelling places?
|
||
EPI. There bath indeede bene an old opinion of such like thinges;
|
||
For by the Greekes they were called AUKavSpconot which signifi
|
||
eth men-woolfes. But to tell you simplie my opinion in this, if anie
|
||
such thing hath bene, I take it to haue proceeded but of a naturall
|
||
super-abundance of Melancholie, which as wee reade, that it hath
|
||
made some thinke themselues Pitchers, and some horses, and some
|
||
one kinde of beast or other: So suppose I that it hath so viciat the
|
||
|
||
|
||
268 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
imagination and memorie of some, as per lucida interualla, it hath
|
||
so highlie occupyed them, that they haue thought themselues ver
|
||
rie Woolfes indeede at these times: and so haue counterfeited their
|
||
actiones in goeing on their handes and feete, preassing to deuoure
|
||
women and barnes, fighting and snatching with all the towne
|
||
dogges, and in vsing such like other bruitish actiones, and so to be
|
||
come beastes by a strong apprehension, as Nebucad-netzar was seuen
|
||
yeares: [marginal gloss: Dan. 4.] but as to their hauing and hyding of
|
||
their hard & schellie sloughes, I take that to be but eiked, by vncer
|
||
taine report, the author of all lyes.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP II. ARGV.
|
||
##### The description of the next two kindes of Spirites, whereof the one
|
||
|
||
followes outwardlie, the other possesses inwardlie the persones that
|
||
they trouble. That since all Prophecies and v ones are nowe ceased,
|
||
all spirites that appeares in these formes are euill.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILO MATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
COme forward now to the reste of these kindes of spirites.
|
||
EPI. As to the next two kindes, that is, either these that outward
|
||
lie troubles and followes some persones, or else inwardlie possesses
|
||
them: I wi conjoyne them in one, because aswel the causes ar alike
|
||
in the persons that they are permitted to trouble: as also the waies
|
||
whereby they may be remedied and cured.
|
||
PHI. What kinde of persones are they that vses to be so trou
|
||
bled?
|
||
EPI. Two kindes in speciall: Either such as being guiltie of greeu
|
||
ous offences, God punishes by that horrible kinde of scourdge, or
|
||
else being persones of the beste nature peraduenture, that yee shall
|
||
finde in all the Countrie about them, GOD permittes them to be
|
||
troubled in that sort, for the tryall of their patience, and wakening
|
||
|
||
vp of their zeale, for admonishing of the beholders, not to truste
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 269
|
||
|
||
|
||
ouer much in themselues, since they are made of no better stuffe,
|
||
and peraduenture blotted with no smaller sinnes (as CHRIST saide,
|
||
speaking of them vppon whome the Towre in Siloam fell:) [marginal
|
||
gloss: Luc. 1 3 . ] And for giuing likewise to the spectatators, matter to
|
||
prayse GOD, that they meriting no better, are yet spared from being
|
||
corrected in that fearefull forme.
|
||
PHI. These are good reasones for the parte of GOD, which appa
|
||
rantlie mooues him so to permit the Deuill to trouble such persones.
|
||
But since the Deuil hath euer a contrarie respecte in all the actiones
|
||
that GOD employes him in: which is I pray you the end and mark he
|
||
shoots at in this turne?
|
||
EPI. It is to obtaine one of two thinges thereby, if he may: The
|
||
one is the tinsell of their life, by inducing them to such perrilous
|
||
places at such time as he either followes or possesses them, which
|
||
may procure the same: And such like, so farre as GOD will permit
|
||
him, by tormenting them to weaken their bodie, and caste them in
|
||
incurable diseases. The other thinge that hee preases to obteine by
|
||
troubling of them, is the tinsell of their Soule, by intising them to
|
||
mistruste and blaspheme God: Either for the intollerablenesse of
|
||
their tormentes, as he assayed to haue done with lOB; [marginal
|
||
gloss: Iob.l.] or else for his promising vnto them to leaue the trou
|
||
bling of them, incase they would so do, as is knowen by experi
|
||
ence at this same time by the confession of a young one that was
|
||
so troubled.
|
||
PHI. Since ye haue spoken now of both these kindes of spir
|
||
ites comprehending them in one: I must nowe goe backe againe in
|
||
speering some questions of euerie one of these kindes in speciall.
|
||
And first for these that followes certaine persones, yee know that
|
||
there are two sortes of them: One sorte that troubles and tormentes
|
||
the persones that they haunt with: An other sort that are seruice
|
||
able vnto them in all kinde of their necessaries, and omittes neuer to
|
||
forwarne them of anie suddaine perrell that they are to be in. And
|
||
so in this case, I would vnderstande whither both these sortes be but
|
||
|
||
|
||
270 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
wicked and damned spirites: Or if the last sorte be rather Angells,
|
||
(as should appeare by their actiones) sent by God to assist such as he
|
||
speciallie fauoures. For it is written in the Scriptures, that God sendes
|
||
Legions of Angells to guarde and watch ouer his elect. [marginal gloss:
|
||
Gen.32. 1Kin.6 Psal.34.]
|
||
EPI. I know well inough where fra that errour which ye alleage
|
||
hath proceeded: For it was the ignorant Gentiles that were the foun
|
||
taine thereof. Who for that they knew not God, they forged in their
|
||
owne imaginationes, euery man to be still accompanied with two
|
||
spirites, whereof they called the one genius bonus, the other genius
|
||
malus: the Greekes called them Evoaq .tova & KaKooa q .wva:
|
||
wherof the former they saide, perswaded him to all the good he did:
|
||
the other entised him to all the euill. But praised be God we that
|
||
are christians, & walks not amongst the Cymmerian conjectures of
|
||
man, knowes well inough, that it is the good spirite of God onely,
|
||
who is the fountain of all goodnes, that perswads vs to the thinking
|
||
or doing of any good: and that it is our corrupted fleshe and Sathan,
|
||
that intiseth vs to the contrarie. And yet the Deuill for confirming
|
||
in the heades of ignoraunt Christians, that errour first mainteined
|
||
among the Gentiles, he whiles among the first kinde of spirits that I
|
||
speak of, appeared in time of Papistrie and blindnesse, and haunted
|
||
diuers houses, without doing any euill, but doing as it were necessa
|
||
rie turnes vp and down the house: and this spirit they called Brownie
|
||
in our language, who appeared like a rough-man: yea, some were
|
||
so blinded, as to beleeue that their house was all the sonsier, as they
|
||
called it, that such spirites resorted there.
|
||
PHI. But since the Deuils intention in all his actions, is euer to do
|
||
euill, what euill was there in that forme of doing, since their actions
|
||
outwardly were good.
|
||
EPI. Was it not euill inough to deceiue simple ignorantes, in
|
||
making them to take him for an Angell of light, and so to account
|
||
of Gods enemie, as of their particular friend: where by the contra
|
||
rie, all we that are Christians, ought assuredly to know that since the
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 271
|
||
|
||
|
||
comming of Christ in the flesh, and establishing of his Church by the
|
||
Apostles, all miracles, visions, prophecies, & appearances of Angels or
|
||
|
||
good spirites are ceased. Which serued onely for the first sowing of
|
||
|
||
faith, & planting of the Church. Where now the Church being estab
|
||
lished, and the white Horse whereof I spake before, hauing made his
|
||
conqueste, the Lawe and Prophets are thought sufficient to serue vs,
|
||
or make vs inexcusable, as Christ saith in his parable [marginal gloss:
|
||
Luk. 16.] of Lazarus and the riche man.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP III. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The description of a particular sort of that kind of following spirites,
|
||
called Incubi and Succubi: And what is the reason wherefore these
|
||
kindes of spirites hauntes most the Northerne and barbarous partes
|
||
of the world.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
THE next question that I would speere, is likewise concerning this
|
||
first of these two kindes of spirites that ye haue conjoyned: and it
|
||
|
||
is this; ye knowe how it is commonly written and reported, that
|
||
|
||
amongst the rest of the sortes of spirites that followes certaine per
|
||
sons, there is one more monstrous nor al the rest: in respect as it
|
||
is alleaged, they converse naturally with them whom they trouble
|
||
and hauntes with: and therefore I would knowe in two thinges
|
||
|
||
your opinion herein: First if suche a thing can be: and next if it be:
|
||
whether there be a difference of sexes amongst these spirites or not.
|
||
EPI. That abhominable kinde of the Deuils abusing of men or
|
||
women, was called of old, Incubi and Succubi, according to the dif
|
||
|
||
ference of the sexes that they conuersed with. By two meanes this
|
||
|
||
great kinde of abuse might possibly be performed: The one, when
|
||
the Deuill onelie as a spirite, and stealing out the sperme of a dead
|
||
bodie, abuses them that way, they not graithlie seeing anie shape or
|
||
feeling anie thing, but that which he so conuayes in that part: As
|
||
|
||
|
||
272 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
we reade of a Monasterie of Nunnes which were burnt for their
|
||
being that way abused. The other meane is when he borrowes a
|
||
dead bodie and so visiblie, and as it seemes vnto them naturallie as a
|
||
man converses with them. But it is to be noted, that in whatsoeuer
|
||
way he vseth it, that sperme seemes intollerably cold to the person
|
||
abused. For if he steale out the nature of a quick person, it cannot
|
||
be so quicklie carryed, but it will both tine the strength and heate
|
||
by the way, which it could neuer haue had for lacke of agitation,
|
||
which in the time of procreation is the procurer & wakener vp of
|
||
these two natural qualities. And if he occupying the dead bodie as
|
||
his lodging expell the same out thereof in the dewe time, it must
|
||
likewise be colde by the participation with the qualities of the dead
|
||
|
||
bodie whereout of it comes. And whereas yee inquire if these spir
|
||
ites be diuided in sexes or not, I thinke the rules of Philosophie may
|
||
easelie resolue a man of the contrarie: For it is a sure principle of
|
||
that arte, that nothing can be diuided in sexes, except such liuing
|
||
bodies as must haue a naturall seede to genere by. But we know spir
|
||
ites hath no seede proper to themselues, nor yet can they gender one
|
||
with an other.
|
||
PHI. How is it then that they say sundrie monsters haue bene
|
||
gotten by that way.
|
||
EPI. These tales are nothing but A niles fabulce. For that they haue
|
||
no nature of their owne, I haue shewed you alreadie. And that the
|
||
cold nature of a dead bodie, can woorke nothing in generation, it is
|
||
more nor plaine, as being already dead of it selfe as well as the rest
|
||
of the bodie is, wanting the naturall heate, and such other naturall
|
||
operation, as is necessarie for woorking that effect, and incase such a
|
||
thing were possible (which were all utterly against all the rules of na
|
||
ture) it would bread no monster, but onely such a naturall of-spring,
|
||
as would haue cummed betuixt that man or woman and that other
|
||
abused person, in-case they both being aliue had had a doe with
|
||
other. For the Deuilles parte therein, is but the naked carrying or
|
||
expelling of that substance: And so it coulde not participate with no
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 273
|
||
|
||
|
||
qualitie of the same. Indeede, it is possible to the craft of the Deuill
|
||
|
||
to make a womans bellie to swel after he hath that way abused her,
|
||
which he may do, either by steiring vp her own humor, or by her
|
||
bes, as we see beggars daily doe. And when the time of her deliuery
|
||
should come to make her thoil great doloures, like vnto that naturall
|
||
course, and then subtillie to slippe in the Mid-wiues handes, stockes,
|
||
stones, or some monstruous barne brought from some other place,
|
||
but this is more reported and gessed at by others, nor beleeued by
|
||
me.
|
||
PHI. But what is the cause that this kinde of abuse is thought to
|
||
be most common in such wild partes of the worlde, as Lap-land, and
|
||
Fin-land, or in our North lies of Orknay and Schet-land.
|
||
|
||
EPI. Because where the Deuill findes greatest ignorance and bar
|
||
baritie, there assayles he grosseliest, as I gaue you the reason where
|
||
fore there was moe Witches of women kinde nor men.
|
||
PHI. Can anie be so vnhappie as to giue their willing consent to
|
||
the Deuilles vilde abusing them in this forme.
|
||
|
||
EPI. Yea, some of the Witches haue confessed, that he hath per
|
||
swaded them to giue their willing consent thereunto, that he may
|
||
thereby haue them feltred the sikarer in his snares; But as the other
|
||
compelled sorte is to be pittied and prayed for, so is this most highlie
|
||
to be punished and detested.
|
||
PHI. It is not the thing which we cal the Mare, which takes fol
|
||
kes sleeping in their bedds, a kinde of these spirites, whereof ye are
|
||
speaking?
|
||
|
||
EPI. No, that is but a naturall sicknes, which the Mediciners hath
|
||
giuen that name of Incubus vnto ab incubando, because it being a
|
||
thicke fleume, falling into our breast vpon the harte, while we are
|
||
sleeping, intercludes so our vitall spirites, and takes all power from
|
||
vs, as maks vs think that there were some vnnaturall burden or spir
|
||
ite, lying vpon vs and holding vs downe.
|
||
|
||
|
||
274 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP IIII. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The description of the Dcemoniackes & possessed.
|
||
By what reason the Papistes may haue power to cure them.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
WEL, I haue told you now all my doubts, and ye haue satisfied me
|
||
therein, concerning the first of these two kindes of spirites that ye
|
||
haue conjoyned. Now I am to inquire onely two thinges at you con
|
||
cerning the last kinde, I meane the O<emoniackes. The first is, whereby
|
||
shal these possessed folks be discerned fra them that ar trubled with a
|
||
natural Phrensie or Manie. The next is, how can it be that they can be
|
||
|
||
remedied by the Papistes Church, whome wee counting as Hereticques,
|
||
it should appeare that one Deuil should not cast out an other, for then
|
||
would his kingdome be diuided in it selft, as CHRIST said. [marginal gloss:
|
||
Mat. 12 Mark. 3]
|
||
EPI. As to your first question; there are diuers symptomes,
|
||
whereby that heauie trouble may be discerned from a naturall sicke
|
||
nesse, and speciallie three, omitting the diuers vaine signes that the
|
||
Papistes attributes vnto it: Such as the raging at holie water, their
|
||
fleeing a back from the Croce, their not abiding the hearing of God
|
||
named, and innumerable such like vaine thinges that were alike fash
|
||
ious and feckles to recite. But to come to these three symptomes
|
||
then, whereof I spake, I account the one of them to be the incred
|
||
ible strength of the possessed creature, which will farre exceede the
|
||
strength of six of the wightest and wodest of any other men that are
|
||
not so troubled. The next is the boldning vp so far of the patients
|
||
breast and bellie, with such an vnnaturall sturring and vehement agi
|
||
tation within them: And such an ironie hardnes of his sinnowes so
|
||
stiffelie bended out, that it were not possible to prick out as it were
|
||
the skinne of anie other person so far: so mightely works the Deuil
|
||
in all the members and senses of his body, he being locallie within
|
||
the same, suppose of his Soule and affectiones thereof, hee haue no
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 275
|
||
|
||
|
||
more power then of any other mans. The last is, the speaking of
|
||
sundrie languages, which the patient is knowen by them that were
|
||
acquainte with him neuer to haue learned, and that with an vncouth
|
||
and hollowe voice, and al the time of his speaking, a greater mo
|
||
tion being in his breast then in his mouth. But fra this last symptome
|
||
is excepted such, as are altogether in the time of their possessing
|
||
bereft of al their senses being possessed with a dumme and blynde
|
||
spirite, whereof Christ releiued one, in the 12. Of Mathew. And as
|
||
to your next demande, it is first to be doubted if the Papistes or anie
|
||
not professing the the onelie true Religion, can relieue anie of that
|
||
trouble. And next, in-case they can, vpon what respectes it is pos
|
||
sible vnto them. As to the former vpon two reasons, it is grounded:
|
||
first that it is knowen so manie of them to bee counterfite, which
|
||
wyle the Clergie inuentes for confirming of their rotten Religion.
|
||
The next is, that by experience we finde that few, who are possessed
|
||
indeede, are fullie cured by them: but rather the Deuill is content to
|
||
release the bodelie hurting of them, for a shorte space, thereby to
|
||
obteine the perpetual hurt of the soules of so many that by these
|
||
false miracles may be induced or confirmed in the profession of that
|
||
erroneous Religion: euen as I told you before that he doth in the
|
||
false cures, or casting off of diseases by Witches. As to the other part
|
||
of the argument in-case they can, which rather (with reuerence of
|
||
the learned thinking otherwaies) I am induced to beleeue, by reason
|
||
of the faithfull report that men sound of religion, haue made ac
|
||
cording to their sight thereof, I think if so be, I say these may be the
|
||
respectes, whereupon the Papistes may haue that power. CHRIST
|
||
gaue a commission and power to his Apostles to cast out Deuilles,
|
||
which they according thereunto put in execution: The rules he had
|
||
them obserue in that action, was fasting and praier: & the action it
|
||
selfe to be done in his name. This power of theirs proceeded not
|
||
then of anie vertue in them, but onely in him who directed them. As
|
||
was clearly proued by Iudas his hauing as greate power in that com
|
||
mission, as anie of the reste. It is easie then to be vnderstand that the
|
||
|
||
|
||
276 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
casting out of Deuilles, is by the vertue of fasting and prayer, and
|
||
in-calling of the name of God, suppose manie imperfectiones be in
|
||
the person that is the instrumente, as CHRIST him selfe teacheth vs
|
||
|
||
[marginal gloss: Mat. 7.] of the power that false Prophets sall haue
|
||
to caste out Devils. It is no wounder then, these respects of this ac
|
||
tion being considered, that it may be possible to the Papistes, though
|
||
erring in sundrie points of Religion to accomplish this, if they vse
|
||
the right forme prescribed by CHRIST herein. For what the worse is
|
||
that action that they erre in other thinges, more then their Baptisme
|
||
is the worse that they erre in the other Sacrament, and haue eiked
|
||
many vaine freittes to the Baptisme it selfe.
|
||
PHI. Surelie it is no little wonder that God should permit the
|
||
bodies of anie of the faithfull to be so dishonoured, as to be a dwell
|
||
ing place to that vncleane spirite.
|
||
EPI. There is it which I told right now, would prooue and
|
||
strengthen my argument of the deuils entring in the dead bodies
|
||
of the faithfull. For if he is permitted to enter in their liuing bod
|
||
ies, euen when they are ioyned with the soule: how much more will
|
||
God permit him to enter in their dead carions, which is no more
|
||
man, but the filthie and corruptible caise of man. For as CHRIST
|
||
sayth, It is not any thing that enters within man that defiles him, but onely
|
||
that which proceedes and commeth out of him. [marginal gloss: Mark. 7.]
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. V. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The description of the fourth kinde of Spirites called the Phairie:
|
||
What is possible therein, and what is but illusiones. How far
|
||
this Dialogue entreates of all these thinges, and to what end.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
NOW I pray you come on to that fourth kinde of spirites.
|
||
EPI. That fourth kinde of spirites, which by the Gentiles was
|
||
called Diana, and her wandring Court, and amongst vs was called
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 277
|
||
|
||
|
||
the Phairie (as I tould you) or our good neighboures, was one of
|
||
the sortes of illusiones that was rifest in the time of Papistrie: for
|
||
although it was holden odious to Prophesie by the deuill, yet
|
||
whome these kinde of Spirites carryed awaie, and informed, they
|
||
were thought to be sonsiest and of best life. To speake of the many
|
||
vaine trattles founded vpon that illusion: How there was a King and
|
||
Queene of Phairie, of such a iolly court & train as they had, how
|
||
they had a teynd, & dutie, as it were, of all goods: how they natu
|
||
rallie rode and went, eate and drank, and did all other actiones like
|
||
naturall men and women: I thinke it liker VIRGILS Campi Elysij, nor
|
||
anie thing that ought to be beleeued by Christians, except in gener
|
||
al!, that as I spake sundrie times before, the deuil illuded the senses
|
||
of sundry simple creatures, in making them beleeue that they saw
|
||
and harde such thinges as were nothing so indeed.
|
||
|
||
PHI. But how can it be then, that sundrie Witches haue gone
|
||
to death with that confession, that they haue ben transported with
|
||
the Phairie to such a hill, which opening, they went in, and there
|
||
saw a faire Queene, who being now lighter, gaue them a stone that
|
||
had sundrie vertues, which at sundrie times hath bene produced in
|
||
judgement?
|
||
EPI. I say that, euen as I said before of that imaginar rauishing of
|
||
the spirite foorth of the bodie. For may not the deuil object to their
|
||
fantasie, their senses being dulled, and as it were a sleepe, such hilles
|
||
& houses within them, such glistering courts and traines, and what
|
||
soeuer such like wherewith he pleaseth to delude them. And in the
|
||
meane time their bodies being senselesse, to conuay in their hande
|
||
any stone or such like thing, which he makes them to imagine to
|
||
haue receiued in such a place.
|
||
PHI. But what say ye to their fore-telling the death of sundrie
|
||
persones, whome they alleage to haue seene in these places? That is,
|
||
a sooth-dreame (as they say) since they see it walking.
|
||
|
||
EPI. I thinke that either they haue not bene sharply inough exam
|
||
ined, that gaue so blunt a reason for their Prophesie, or otherwaies,
|
||
|
||
|
||
278 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
I thinke it likewise as possible that the Deuill may prophesie to them
|
||
when he deceiues their imaginationes in that sorte, as well as when
|
||
he plainely speakes vnto them at other times for their prophesying,
|
||
is but by a kinde of vision, as it were, wherein he commonly coun
|
||
terfeits God among the Ethnicks, as I told you before.
|
||
PHI. I would know now whether these kindes of spirites may
|
||
only appeare to Witches, or if they may also appeare to anie other.
|
||
EPI. They may do to both, to the innocent sort, either to affraie
|
||
them, or to seeme to be a better sorte of folkes nor vncleane spirites
|
||
are, and to the Witches, to be a cullour of safetie for them, that ig
|
||
norant Magistrates may not punish them for it, as I told euen now.
|
||
But as the one sorte, for being perforce troubled with them ought to
|
||
be pittied, so ought the other sorte (who may bee discerned by their
|
||
taking v on them to Prophesie by them,) That sorte I say, ought as
|
||
seuerely to be punished as any other Witches, and rather the more,
|
||
that that they goe dissemblingly to woorke.
|
||
PHI. And what makes the spirites haue so different names from
|
||
others.
|
||
EPI. Euen the knauerie of that same deuil; who as hee illudes
|
||
the Necromancers with innumerable feyned names for him and
|
||
his angels, as in special, making Sathan, Beelzebub, & Lucifer, to
|
||
be three sundry spirites, where we finde the two former, but
|
||
diuers names giuen to the Prince of all the rebelling angels by
|
||
the Scripture. As by CHRIST, the Prince of all the Deuilles is called,
|
||
Beelzebub in that place, which I alleaged against the power of any
|
||
hereticques to cast out Deuils. By JOHN in the Reuelation, the old
|
||
tempter is called, Sathan the Prince of all the euill angels. And the last,
|
||
to wit, Lucifer, is but by allegorie taken from the day Starre (so named
|
||
in diuers places of the Scriptures) because of his excellencie (I meane
|
||
the Prince of them) in his creation before his fall. Euen so I say he
|
||
deceaues the Witches, by attributing to himselfe diuers names: as if
|
||
euery diuers shape that he trans formes himselfe in, were a diuers
|
||
kinde of spirit.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 279
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHI. But I haue hard many moe strange tales of this Phairie, nor
|
||
|
||
ye haue yet told me.
|
||
EPI. As well I do in that, as I did in all the rest of my discourse.
|
||
For because the ground of this conference of ours, proceeded
|
||
of your speering at me at our meeting, if there was such a thing
|
||
as Witches or spirites: And if they had any power: I therefore haue
|
||
|
||
framed my whole discours, only to proue that such things are and
|
||
may be, by such number of examples as I show to be possible by
|
||
reason: & keepes me from dipping any further in playing the part of
|
||
a Dictionarie, to tell what euer I haue read or harde in that purpose,
|
||
which both would exceede fayth, and rather would seeme to teach
|
||
such vnlawfull artes, nor to disallow and condemne them, as it is the
|
||
duetie of all Christians to do.
|
||
|
||
|
||
CHAP. VI. ARGV.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Of the tryall and punishment of Witches. What sorte of
|
||
accusation ought to be admitted against them. What is the cause
|
||
of the increasing so far of their number in this age.
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHILOMATHES.
|
||
|
||
|
||
THEN To make an ende of our conference, since I see it drawes late,
|
||
what forme of punishment thinke ye merites these Magicians and
|
||
Witches? For I see that ye account them to be all alike guiltie?
|
||
EPI. They ought to be put to death according to the Law of God,
|
||
the ciuill and imperial law, and municipall law of all Christian na
|
||
tions.
|
||
PHI. But what kinde of death I pray you?
|
||
EPI. It is commonly vsed by fire, but that is an indifferent thing to
|
||
be vsed in euery cuntrie, according to the Law or custome thereof.
|
||
PHI. But ought no sexe, age nor ranck to be exempted?
|
||
|
||
|
||
280 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
EPI. None at al (being so vsed by the lawful Magistrate) for it is
|
||
the highest poynt of Idolatrie, wherein no exception is admitted by
|
||
the law of God.
|
||
PHI. Then bairnes may not be spared?
|
||
EPI. Yea, not a haire the lesse of my conclusion. For they are not
|
||
that capable of reason as to practise such thinges. And for any being
|
||
in company and not reueiling thereof, their Jesse and ignorant age
|
||
will no doubt excuse them.
|
||
PHI. I see ye condemne them all that are of the counsell of such
|
||
craftes.
|
||
EPI. No doubt, for as I said, speaking of Magie, the consulters,
|
||
trusters in, ouer-seers, interteiners or sturrers vp of these craftes
|
||
folkes, are equallie guiltie with themselues that are the practisers.
|
||
|
||
PHI. Whether may the Prince then, or supreame Magistrate,
|
||
spare or ouer-see any that are guiltie of that craft? vpon som great
|
||
respects knowen to him?
|
||
EPI. The Prince or Magistrate for further tryals cause, may con
|
||
tinue the punishing of them such a certaine space as he thinkes
|
||
conuenient: But in the end to spare the life, and not to strike when
|
||
God bids strike, and so seuerelie punish in so odious a fault & trea
|
||
son against God, it is not only vnlawful, but doubtlesse no Jesse
|
||
sinne in that Magistrate, nor it was in SAYLES sparing of AGAG
|
||
|
||
[marginal gloss: I. Sam. 15.]. And so comparable to the sin of Witch
|
||
craft it selfe, as SAMVELL alleaged at that time.
|
||
PHI. Surely then, I think since this crime ought to be so seuerely
|
||
punished. Judges ought to beware to condemne any, but such as they
|
||
are sure are guiltie, neither should the clattering reporte of a earling
|
||
serue in so weightie a case.
|
||
EPI. Judges ought indeede to beware whome they condemne:
|
||
For it is as great a crime (as SALOMON sayeth,) To condemne the in
|
||
nocent, as to let the guiltie escape free; [marginal gloss: Pro. 1 7.] neither
|
||
ought the report of any one infamous person, be admitted for a suf
|
||
ficient proofe, which can stand of no law.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 281
|
||
|
||
|
||
PHI. And what may a number then of guilty persons confessions,
|
||
|
||
woork against one that is accused?
|
||
|
||
EPI . The assise must serue for interpretour of our law in that
|
||
respect. But in my opinion, since in a mater of treason against the
|
||
Prince, barnes or wiues, or neuer so diffamed persons, may of our
|
||
law serue for sufficient witnesses and proofes. I thinke surely that by
|
||
a far greater reason, such witnesses may be sufficient in matters of
|
||
high treason against God: For who but Witches can be prooues, and
|
||
so witnesses of the doings of Witches.
|
||
PHI. Indeed, I trow they wil be loath to put any honest man
|
||
vpon their counsell. But what if they accuse folke to haue bene pres
|
||
ent at their Imaginar conuentiones in the spirite, when their bodies
|
||
!yes sencelesse, as ye haue said.
|
||
EPI. I think they are not a haire the Jesse guiltie: For the Deuill
|
||
durst neuer haue borrowed their shaddow or similitude to that
|
||
turne, if their consent had not bene at it: And the consent in these
|
||
turnes is death of the law.
|
||
PHI. Then SAMVEL was a Witch: For the Deuill resembled his
|
||
shape, and played his person in giuing response to SAVLE.
|
||
EPI. SAMVEL was dead aswell before that; and so none coulde
|
||
slander him with medling in that vnlawfull arte. For the cause why,
|
||
as I take it, that God will not permit Sathan to vse the shapes or
|
||
similitudes of any innocent persones at such vnlawful times, is that
|
||
God wil not permit that any innocent persons shalbe slandered with
|
||
that vile defection: for then the deuil would find waies anew, to ca
|
||
lumniate the best. And this we haue in proofe by them that are car
|
||
ryed with the Phairie, who neuer see the shaddowes of any in that
|
||
courte, but of them that thereafter are tryed to haue bene breth
|
||
ren and sisters of that craft. And this was likewise proued by the
|
||
confession of a young Lasse, troubled with spirites, !aide on her by
|
||
Witchcraft. That although shee saw the shapes of diuerse men &
|
||
women troubling her, and naming the persons whom these shad
|
||
dawes represents: yet neuer one of them are found to be innocent,
|
||
|
||
|
||
282 APPENDIX A
|
||
|
||
|
||
but al clearely tried to be most guilty, & the most part of them con
|
||
fessing the same. And besides that, I think it hath ben seldome harde
|
||
tell of, that any whome persones guiltie of that crime accused, as
|
||
hauing knowen them to be their marrowes by eye-sight, and not by
|
||
hear-say, but such as were so accused of Witch-craft, could not be
|
||
clearely tryed vpon them, were at the least publickly knowen to be
|
||
of a very euil life & reputation: so iealous is God I say, of the fame
|
||
of them that are innocent in such causes. And besides that, there are
|
||
two other good helpes that may be vsed for their trial: the one is the
|
||
finding of their marke, and the trying the insensiblenes thereof. The
|
||
other is their fleeting on the water: for as in a secret murther, if the
|
||
deade carcase be at any time thereafter handled by the murtherer,
|
||
|
||
it wil gush out of bloud, as if the blud wer crying to the heauen for
|
||
reuenge of the murtherer. God hauing appoynted that secret super
|
||
naturall signe, for tryall of that secrete vnnaturall crime, so it ap
|
||
peares that God hath appoynted (for a super-naturall signe of the
|
||
monstruous impietie of the Witches) that the water shal refuse to
|
||
receiue them in her bosom, that haue shaken off them the sacred
|
||
Water of Baptisme, and wilfullie refused the benefite thereof: No
|
||
not so much as their eyes are able to shed teares (thretten and tor
|
||
ture them as ye please) while first they repent (God not permitting
|
||
them to dissemble their obstinacie in so horrible a crime) albeit the
|
||
women kinde especially, be able other-waies to shed teares at euery
|
||
light occasion when they will, yea, although it were dissemblingly
|
||
like the Crocodiles.
|
||
PHI. Well, wee haue made this conference to last as long as Iea
|
||
sure would permit: And to conclude then, since I am to take my
|
||
leaue of you, I pray God to purge this Cuntrie of these diuellishe
|
||
practises: for they were neuer so rife in these partes, as they are now.
|
||
EPI. I pray God that so be to. But the causes ar ouer manifest,
|
||
that makes them to be so rife. For the greate wickednesse of the
|
||
people on the one parte, procures this horrible defection, whereby
|
||
God justlie punisheth sinne, by a greater iniquitie. And on the other
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX A 283
|
||
|
||
|
||
part, the consummation of the worlde, and our deliuerance drawing
|
||
neare, makes Sathan to rage the more in his instruments, knowing
|
||
his kingdome to be so neare an ende. [marginal gloss: Reuel. 12.] And
|
||
so fare-well for this time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
FINIS.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Newes from Scotbnd.
|
||
##### Declaring the damnable: l1fe of Do<44>
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
tor FiJn a not4ble Sorcrr<'r,who was burned
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
at Edcnbrough in Janu.arie Ian.
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
l <20> 9 I.
|
||
##### Which Voflorrvar r<>giflrr to the deuiU.
|
||
|
||
that fundric times preached at Notth &ride
|
||
Kirke,to a number of notol'ious
|
||
Witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
With the true cx:1minariom ofthc f:tid Dot **r** - ancl
|
||
witches,as v **t** crcd them in d1c prcfcncc
|
||
|
||
Scottilh <20>ng.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Difi:ouering how they prc **t** ndcd to b"'\'itch and
|
||
drowne his M:Ucf **i** c in the ft".:t comming from Dcn
|
||
marke, with fuch other wondt·rfull marrcrs
|
||
as the like hath nor bin heard
|
||
araruc time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Figure 20
|
||
|
||
|
||
### A PPENDIX B
|
||
#### Original text of News from Scotland
|
||
|
||
Newes from Scotland,
|
||
|
||
Declaring the Damnable life and death of Doctor Fian
|
||
|
||
a notable Sorcerer, who was burned at Edenbrough in Ianuary last.
|
||
|
||
1 5 9 1 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
Which Doctor was regester to the Diuell,
|
||
|
||
that sundry times preached at North Barrick Kirke, to a number of
|
||
|
||
notorious Witches.
|
||
|
||
|
||
With the true examinations of the saide Doctor and Witches, as they
|
||
|
||
vttered them in the presence of the Scottish King.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Discouering how they pretended
|
||
|
||
to bewitch and drowne his Maiestie in the Sea
|
||
|
||
comming from Denmarke with such
|
||
|
||
other wonderful! matters as the like
|
||
|
||
hath not been heard of at
|
||
|
||
any time.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Published according to the Scottish Coppie.
|
||
|
||
|
||
AT LONDON
|
||
|
||
Printed for William
|
||
|
||
Wright.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### TO TH E R EA DE R
|
||
|
||
THE MANIFOLDE vntruthes which is spread abroade, concerning the detest
|
||
able actions and apprehension of those Witches wherof this Historye following
|
||
truely entreateth, hath caused me to publish the same in print: and the rather
|
||
for that sundrie written Copies are lately dispersed therof, containing, that the
|
||
said witches were first discouered, lry meanes of a poore Pedler trauailing to
|
||
the towne of Trenent, and that lry a wondnfoll manner he was in a moment
|
||
conuayed at midnight, from Scotland to Burdeux in Fraunce (beeing places
|
||
of no small distance between) into a Marchants Seller there, & after, being
|
||
sent from Burdeux into Scotland lry certaine Scottish Marchants to the Kinges
|
||
Maiestie, that he discouered those Witches and was the cause of their appre
|
||
hension: with a number of matters miracu I lous and incredible: All which in
|
||
truthe are moste false. Neuertheles to satisfie a number of honest mindes, who
|
||
are desirous to be enformed of the veri tie and trueth of their conftssions, which
|
||
for certaintie is more stranger then the common reporte runneth, and yet with
|
||
more trueth I haue vndertaken to publish this short Treatise, which declareth
|
||
the true discourse of all that hath hapned, & aswell what was pretended lry
|
||
those wicked and detestable Witches against the Kinges Maiestie, as also lry
|
||
what meanes they wrought the same.
|
||
All which examinations (gentle Reader) I haue heere truelye pub
|
||
lished, as they were taken and vttered in the presence of the Kings Maies
|
||
tie, praying thee to accept it for veri tie, the same beeing so true as cannot
|
||
be reproued.
|
||
|
||
|
||
288 APPENDIX B
|
||
|
||
|
||
A true discourse,
|
||
Of the apprehension of sundrye
|
||
Witches lately taken in Scotland: wherof
|
||
some are executed, and some are
|
||
yet imprisoned.
|
||
|
||
|
||
With a particuler recitall of their examinations,
|
||
taken in the presence of the Kinges Maiestie.
|
||
|
||
|
||
GOd by his omnipotent power, hath at a! times and daily doth
|
||
take such care, and is so vigillant, for the weale and preseruation of
|
||
his owne, that thereby he disapointeth the wicked practises and euil
|
||
intents of all such as by any meanes whatsoeuer, seeke indirectly to
|
||
conspire any thing contrary to his holy will: yea and by the same
|
||
power, he hath lately ouerthrown and hindered the intentions and
|
||
wicked dealinges of a great number of vngodly creatures, no better
|
||
then Diuels: who suffering themselues to be allured and inticed by
|
||
the Diuell whom they serued, and to whome they were pritiatelye
|
||
sworne: entered into ye detestable Art of witch-craft, which they
|
||
studied and practised so long time, that in the end they had seduced
|
||
by their sorcery a number of other to be as bad as themselues: dwell
|
||
ing in the boundes of Lowthian, which is a principall shire or parte
|
||
of Scotland, where the Kings Maiestie vseth to make his cheefest resi
|
||
dence or abode: and to the end that their detestable wickednes which
|
||
they priuilye had pretended against the Kings Maiestie, the Common
|
||
weale of that Country, with the Nobilitie and subiects of the same,
|
||
should come to light: God of his vnspeakeable goodnes did reueale
|
||
and lay it open in very strange sorte, therby to make knowne vnto the
|
||
worlde, that there actions were contrarye to the lawe of God, and the
|
||
naturall affection which we ought generallye to beare one to another:
|
||
the manner of the reuealing wherof was as followeth.
|
||
Within the towne of Trenent in the Kingdome of Scotland, there
|
||
dwelleth one Dauid Seaton, who being deputie Bailiffe in the saide
|
||
Towne, had a maide seruant called Geillis Duncane, who vsed secretly
|
||
to be absent and to lye foorth of her Maisters house euery other
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX B 289
|
||
|
||
|
||
night: this Geillis Duncane took in hand to help all such as were trou
|
||
bled or greeued with any kinde of sicknes or infirmitie: and in short
|
||
space did perfourme manye matters most miraculous, which thinges
|
||
forasmuch as she began to doe them vpon a sodaine, hauing neuer
|
||
doon the like before, made her Maister and others to be in great ad
|
||
miracion, and wondred thereat: by meanes wherof the saide Dauid
|
||
Seaton had his maide in some great suspition, that she did not those
|
||
things by naturall and lawfull wayes, but rather supposed it to be
|
||
doone by some extraordinary and vnlawfull meanes.
|
||
Whervpon, her Maister began to growe very inquisitiue, and ex
|
||
amined her which way and by what meanes she were able to per
|
||
fourme matters of so great importance: whereat she gaue him no
|
||
answere, neuerthelesse, her Maister to the intent that he might the
|
||
better trye and finde out the trueth of the same, did with the helpe
|
||
of others, torment her with the torture of the Pilliwinckes vpon
|
||
her fingers, which is a greeuous torture, and binding or wrinching
|
||
her head with a corde or roape, which is a most cruell torment also,
|
||
yet would she not confesse any thing, whereupon they suspecting
|
||
that she had beene marked by the Diuell (as commonly witches are)
|
||
made dilligent search about her, and found the enemies marke to be
|
||
in her fore crag or foreparte of her throate: which being found, she
|
||
confessed that all her dooings was doone by the wicked allurements
|
||
and inticements of the Diuell, and that she did them by witchcraft.
|
||
After this her confession, she was committed to prison, where
|
||
she continued for a season, where immediatly she accused these per
|
||
sons following to be notorious witches, and caused them foorthwith
|
||
to be apprehended one after an other, vidz. Agnis Sampson the eldest
|
||
Witch of them al, dwelling in Haddington, Agnes Tompson of Eden
|
||
brough, Doctor Fian, alias John Cunningham, maister of the Schoole
|
||
at Saltpans in Lowthian, of whose life and strange actes, you shall
|
||
heare more largely in the ende of this discourse: these were by the
|
||
saide Geillis Duncane accused, as also George Motts wife dwelling in
|
||
Saltpans, Robert Griersonn skipper, and Iennit Bandilandis, with the
|
||
|
||
|
||
290 APPENDIX B
|
||
|
||
|
||
Porters wife of Seaton, the Smith at the brigge Hallis with innumer
|
||
able others in that partes, and dwelling in those bounds aforesaide:
|
||
of whom some are alreadye executed, the rest remaine in prison,
|
||
to receiue the doome of Iudgement at the Kings maiesties will and
|
||
pleasure.
|
||
The said Geillis Duncane also caused Ewphame Meealrean to be ap
|
||
prehended, who conspired and perfourmed the death of her Godfa
|
||
ther, and who vsed her art vpon a gentleman being one of the Lords
|
||
and Iustices of the Session, for bearing good will to her Daughter:
|
||
she also caused to be apprehended one Barbara Naper, for bewitch
|
||
ing to death Archibalde, last Earle of Angus, who languished to death
|
||
by witchcraft and yet the same was not suspected, but that he died
|
||
of so strange a disease, as the Phisition knew not how to cure or
|
||
remedy the same: but of all other the saide witches, these two last
|
||
before recited, were reputed for as ciuill honest women as any that
|
||
dwelled within the Citie of Edenbrough, before they were appre
|
||
hended. Many other besides were taken dwelling in Lieth, who are
|
||
detayned in prison, vntill his Maiesties further will and pleasure be
|
||
known: of whose wicked dooings you shall particularly heare, which
|
||
was as followeth.
|
||
This aforeaside Agrtis Sampson which was the elder Witch, was
|
||
taken and brought to Haliciud house before the Kings Maiestie and
|
||
sundry other of the nobility of Scotland, where she was straitly ex
|
||
amined, but all the perswasions which the Kings maiestie vsed to
|
||
her with ye rest of his counsell, might not prouoke or induce her
|
||
to confesse any thing, but stood stiffely in the deniall of all that was
|
||
laide to her charge: whervpon they caused her to be conueied awaye
|
||
to prison, there to receiue such torture as hath been lately prouided
|
||
for witches in that country: and forasmuch as by due examination
|
||
of witchcraft and witches in Scotland, it hath latelye beene found
|
||
that the Deuill dooth generallye marke them with a priuie marke,
|
||
by reason the Witches haue confessed themselues, that the Diuell
|
||
dooth lick them with his tung in some priuy part of their bodie, be
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX B 291
|
||
|
||
|
||
fore hee dooth receiue them to be his seruants, which marke com
|
||
|
||
monly is giuen them vnder the haire in some part of their bodye,
|
||
wherby it may not easily be found out or seene, although they be
|
||
searched: and generally so long as the marke is not seene to those
|
||
which search them, so long the parties that hath the marke will
|
||
neuer confesse any thing. Therfore by special commaundement this
|
||
Agnis Sampson had all her haire shauen of, in each parte of her bodie,
|
||
and her head thrawen with a rope according to the custome of that
|
||
Countrye, beeing a paine most greeuous, which she continued al
|
||
most an hower, during which time she would not confesse any thing
|
||
vntill the Diuels marke was found vpon her priuities, then she im
|
||
mediatlye confessed whatsoeuer was demaunded of her, and iustify
|
||
ing those persons aforesaid to be notorious witches.
|
||
Item, the saide Agnis Tompson was after brought againe before the
|
||
Kings Maiestie and his Counsell, and being examined of the meet
|
||
ings and detestable dealings of those witches, she confessed that
|
||
vpon the night of Allhollon Euen last, she was accompanied aswell
|
||
with the persons aforesaide, as also with a great many other witches,
|
||
to the number of two hundreth: and that all they together went by
|
||
Sea each one in a Riddle or Ciue, and went in the same very sub
|
||
stantially with Flaggons of wine making merrie and drinking by the
|
||
waye in the same Riddles or Ciues, to the Kerke of North Barrick in
|
||
Lowthian, and that after they had landed, tooke handes on the land
|
||
and daunced this reill or short daunce, singing all with one voice.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Cammer goe ye before, commer goe ye,
|
||
Gif ye will not goe before, com mer let me.
|
||
|
||
|
||
At which time she confessed, that this Geilles Duncane did goe be
|
||
fore them playing this reill or daunce vpon a small Trump, called a
|
||
lewes Trump, vntill they entred into the Kerk of north Barrick.
|
||
These confessions made the King in a woderful admiration and
|
||
sent for ye said Geillis Duncane, who vpon the like Trump did playe
|
||
the said daunce before the Kings Maiestie, who in respect of the
|
||
|
||
|
||
292 APPENDIX B
|
||
|
||
|
||
strangenes of these matters, tooke great delight to bee present at
|
||
their examinations.
|
||
Item, the said Agnis Tompson confessed that the Diuell being then
|
||
at North Barrick Kerke attending their comming in the habit or
|
||
likenes of a man, and seeing that they tarried ouer long, he at their
|
||
comming enioyned them all to a pennance, which was, that they
|
||
should kisse his Buttockes, in signe of duetye to him: which being
|
||
put ouer the Pulpit barre, euerye one did as he had enioyned them:
|
||
and hauing made his vngodly exhortations, wherein he did great
|
||
lye enveighe against the King of Scotland, he receiued their oathes
|
||
for their good and true seruice towards him, and departed: which
|
||
doone, they returned to Sea, and so home againe.
|
||
|
||
At which time the witches demaunded of the Diuel why he did
|
||
beare such hatred to the King, who answered, by reason the King is
|
||
the greatest enemy he hath in the worlde: all which their onfessions
|
||
and depositions are still extant vpon record.
|
||
Item, the saide Agnis Sampson confessed before the Kings Maies
|
||
tie sundrye thinges which were so miraculous and strange, as that
|
||
his Maiestie saide they were all extreame lyars, wherat she answered,
|
||
she would not wishe his Maiestie to suppose her woords to be false,
|
||
but rather to beleeue them, in that she would discouer such matter
|
||
vnto him as his maiestie should not any way doubt off.
|
||
And therupon taking his Maiestie a little aside, she declared vnto
|
||
him the verye woordes which passed betweene the Kings Maiestie
|
||
and his Queene at Vpslo in Norway the first night of their mariage,
|
||
with their answere eache to other: whereat the Kinges Maiestie won
|
||
dered greatlye, and swore by the liuing God, that he beleeued that
|
||
all the Diuels in hell could not haue discouered the same: acknowl
|
||
edging her woords to be most true, and therefore gaue the more
|
||
credit to the rest which is before declared.
|
||
Touching this Agnis Tompson, she is the onlye woman, who by the
|
||
Diuels perswasion should haue entended and put in execution the
|
||
Kings Maiesties death in this manner.
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX B 293
|
||
|
||
|
||
She confessed that she tooke a blacke Toade, and did hang the
|
||
same vp by the heeles, three daies, and collected and gathered the
|
||
venome as it dropped and fell from it in an Oister shell, and kept the
|
||
same venome close couered, vntill she should obtaine any parte or
|
||
peece of foule linnen cloth, that had appertained to the Kings Maies
|
||
tie, as shirt, handkercher, napkin or any other thing which she prac
|
||
tised to obtaine by meanes of one John Kers, who being attendant in
|
||
his Maiesties Chamber, desired him for olde acquaintance betweene
|
||
them, to helpe her to one or a peece of such a cloth as is aforesaide,
|
||
which thing the said John Kers denyed to helpe her too, saying he
|
||
could not help her too it.
|
||
And the said Agnis Tompson by her depositions since her appre
|
||
hension saith, that if she had obtained any one peece of linnen cloth
|
||
which the King had worne and fouled, she had bewitched him to
|
||
death, and put him to such extraordinary paines, as if he had beene
|
||
lying vpon sharp thornes and endes of Needles.
|
||
Moreouer she confessed that at the time when his Maiestie was
|
||
in Denmarke, she being accompanied with the parties before spe
|
||
cially named, tooke a Cat and christened it, and afterward bound
|
||
to each parte of that Cat, the cheefest partes of a dead man, and
|
||
seuerall ioynts of his bodie, and that in the night following the saide
|
||
Cat was conueied into the midst of the sea by all these witches say
|
||
ling in their riddles or Cities as is aforesaide, and so left the saide Cat
|
||
right before the Towne of Lieth in Scotland: this doone, there did
|
||
arise such a tempest in the Sea, as a greater hath not beene scene:
|
||
which tempest was the cause of the perrishing of a Boate or vessell
|
||
comming ouer from the towne of Brunt Iland to the towne of Lieth,
|
||
wherein was sundrye Iewelles and riche giftes, which should haue
|
||
been presented to the now Queen of Scotland, at her Maiesties com
|
||
ruing to Lieth.
|
||
Againe it is confessed, that the said christened Cat was the cause
|
||
that the Kinges Maiesties Ship at his comming foorth of Denmarke,
|
||
had a contrary winde to the rest of his Ships, then being in his
|
||
|
||
|
||
294 APPENDIX B
|
||
|
||
|
||
companye, which thing was most strange and true, as the Kings
|
||
Maiestie acknowledgeth, for when the rest of the Shippes had a
|
||
faire and good winde, then was the winde contrarye and altogither
|
||
against his Maiestie: and further the saide witche declared, that his
|
||
Maiestie had neuer come safelye from the Sea, if his faith had not
|
||
preuailed aboue their ententions.
|
||
Moreouer the said Witches being demaunded how the Dwell
|
||
would vse them when he was in their company, they confessed that
|
||
when the Diuell did receiue them for his seruants, and that they had
|
||
vowed themselues vnto him, then he would Carnallye vse them, al
|
||
beit to their little pleasure, in respect of his colde nature: and would
|
||
doo the like at sundry other times.
|
||
|
||
As touching the aforesaide Doctor Pian, alias Iohn Cunningham,
|
||
the examination of his actes since his apprehension, declareth the
|
||
great subtiltye of the diuell, and therfore maketh thinges to appeere
|
||
the more miraculous: for being apprehended by the accusation of
|
||
the saide Geillis Duncane aforesaide, who confessed he was their
|
||
Regester, and that there was not one man suffered to come to the
|
||
Diuels readinges but onlye he: the saide Doctor was taken and im
|
||
prisoned, and vsed with the accustomed paine, prouided for those
|
||
offences, inflicted vpon the rest as is aforesaide.
|
||
First by thrawing of his head with a roape, wherat he would con
|
||
fesse nothing.
|
||
Secondly, he was perswaded by faire means to confesse his follies,
|
||
but that would preuaile as little.
|
||
Lastly he was put to the most seuere and cruell paine in the
|
||
world, called the bootes, who after he had receiued three strokes,
|
||
being enquired if he would confesse his damnable acts and wicked
|
||
life, his tung would not serue him to speak, in respect wherof the
|
||
rest of the witches willed to search his tung, vnder which was
|
||
found two pinnes thrust vp into the head, whereupon the VVitches
|
||
did laye, Now is the Charme stinted, and shewed that those charmed
|
||
Pinnes were the cause he could not confesse any thing: then was he
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX B 295
|
||
|
||
|
||
immediatly released of the bootes, brought before the King, his con
|
||
fession was taken, and his owne hand willingly set ther-vnto, which
|
||
contained as followeth.
|
||
First, that at the generall meetinges of those witches, hee was
|
||
alwayes preasent: that he was Clarke to all those that were in subiec
|
||
tion to the Diuels seruice, bearing the name of witches, that alwaye
|
||
he did take their othes for their true seruice to the Diuell, and that
|
||
he wrot for them such matters as the Diuell still pleased to com
|
||
maund him.
|
||
Item, he confessed that by his witchcrafte he did bewitch a Gen
|
||
tleman dwelling neere to the Saltpans, where the said Doctor kept
|
||
Schoole, onely for being enamoured of a Gentlewoman whome he
|
||
loued himselfe: by meanes of which his Sorcerye, witchcraft and
|
||
diuelish practises, he caused the said Gentleman that once in x.xiiij.
|
||
howres he fell into a lunacie and madnes, and so cotinued one whole
|
||
hower together, and for the veritie of the same, he caused the Gen
|
||
tleman to be brought before the Kinges Maiestie, which was vpon
|
||
the x.xiiij. day of December last, and being in his Maiesties Chamber,
|
||
suddenly he gaue a great scritch and fell into a madnes, sometime
|
||
bending himselfe, and sometime capring so directly vp, that his head
|
||
did touch the seeling of the Chamber, to the great admiration of
|
||
his Maiestie and others then present: so that all the Gentlemen in
|
||
the Chamber were not able to holde him, vntill they called in more
|
||
helpe, who together bound him hand and foot: and suffering the said
|
||
gentleman to lye still vntill his furye were past, he within an hower
|
||
came againe to himselfe, when being demaunded of the Kings Ma
|
||
iestie what he saw or did all that while, answered that he had been in
|
||
a sound sleepe.
|
||
Item the said Doctor did also confesse that he had vsed means
|
||
sundry times to obtain his purpose and wicked intent of the same
|
||
Gentlewoman, and seeing himselfe disapointed of his intention, he
|
||
determined by all waies he might to obtaine the same, trusting by
|
||
coniuring, witchcraft and Sorcery to obtaine it in this manner.
|
||
|
||
|
||
296 APPENDIX B
|
||
|
||
|
||
It happened this gentlewoman being vnmaried, had a brother
|
||
who went to schoole with the said Doctor, and calling his Scholler to
|
||
him, demaunded if he did lye with his sister, who answered he did,
|
||
by meanes wherof he thought to obtaine his purpose, and therefore
|
||
secretlye promised to teach him w'tout stripes, so he would obtain
|
||
for him three haires of his sisters priuities. at such time as he should
|
||
spye best occasion for it: which the youth promised faithfullye to
|
||
perfourme, and vowed speedily to put it in practise, taking a peece
|
||
of coniured paper of his maister to Iappe them in when he had got
|
||
ten them: and therevpon the boye practised nightlye to obtaine his
|
||
maisters purpose, especially when his sister was a sleepe.
|
||
But God who knoweth the secrets of all harts, and reuealeth
|
||
all wicked and vngodlye practises, would not suffer the intents of
|
||
this diuilish Doctor to come to that purpose which he supposed
|
||
it would, and therefore to declare that he was heauilye offended
|
||
with his wicked entent, did so woorke by the Gentlewomans owne
|
||
meanes, that in the ende the same was discouered and brought to
|
||
light: for she being one night a sleepe, and her brother in bed with
|
||
her, suddenlye cryed out to her mother, declaring that her Brother
|
||
would not suffer her to sleepe, wherevpon her mother hauing a
|
||
quick capacitie, did vehemently suspect Doctor Fians entention, by
|
||
reason she was a witche of her selfe, and therefore presently arose,
|
||
and was very inquisitiue of the boy to vnderstand his intent, and the
|
||
better to know ye same, did beat him with sundry stripes, wherby he
|
||
discouered the trueth vnto her.
|
||
The Mother therefore being well practised in witchcrafte, did
|
||
thinke it most conuenient to meete with the Doctor in his owne
|
||
Arte, and therevpon tooke the paper from the boy, wherein hee
|
||
should haue put the same haires, and went to a young Heyfer which
|
||
neuer had borne Calfe nor gone to the Bull, and with a paire of
|
||
sheeres, clipped off three haires from the vdder of the Cow, and
|
||
wrapt them in the same paper, which she againe deliuered to the
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX B 297
|
||
|
||
|
||
boy, then willing him to giue the same to his saide Maister, which he
|
||
immediatly did.
|
||
The Schoolemaister so soone as he had receiued them, thinking
|
||
them indeede to bee the Maides haires, went straight and wrought
|
||
his arte vpon them: But the Doctor had no sooner doone his intent
|
||
to them, but presentlye the Hayfer or Cow whose haires they were
|
||
indeed, came vnto the doore of the Church wherein the Schoole
|
||
maister was, into the which the Hayfer went, and made towards the
|
||
Schoolemaister, leaping and dauncing vpon him, and following him
|
||
foorth of the church and to what place so euer he went, to the great
|
||
admiration of all the townes men of Saltpans, and many other who
|
||
did beholde the same.
|
||
The reporte whereof made all men imagine that hee did woorke
|
||
it by the Dwell, without whom it could neuer haue beene so suf
|
||
ficientlye effected: and thervpon, the name of the said Doctor Fien
|
||
(who was but a very yang man) began to grow so common among
|
||
the people of Scotland, that he was secretlye nominated for a no
|
||
table Cuniurer.
|
||
All which although in the beginning he denied, and would not
|
||
confesse, yet hauing felt the pain of the bootes (and the charme
|
||
stinted, as aforesayd) be confessed all the aforesaid to be most true,
|
||
without producing anie witnesses to iustifie the same, & thervpon
|
||
before the kings maiesty he subscribed the sayd confessions with his
|
||
owne hande, which for truth remaineth vpon record in Scotland.
|
||
After that the depositions and examinations of the sayd doc
|
||
tor Pian Alias Cuningham was taken, as alreadie is declared, with his
|
||
owne hand willingly set therevnto, hee was by the master of the
|
||
prison committed to ward, and appointed to a chamber by himselfe,
|
||
where forsaking his wicked wayes, acknowledging his most vngodly
|
||
lyfe, shewing that he had too much folowed the allurements and en
|
||
tisements of sathan, and fondly practised his conclusions by coniur
|
||
ing, witchcraft, inchantment, sorcerie, and such like, hee renounced
|
||
|
||
|
||
298 APPENDIX B
|
||
|
||
|
||
the deuill and all his wicked workes, vowed to leade the life of a
|
||
Christian, and seemed newly connected towards God.
|
||
The morrow after vpon conference had with him, he granted
|
||
that the deuill had appeared vnto him in the night before, appar
|
||
eled all in blacke, with a white wand in his hande, and that the deuill
|
||
demaunded of him if hee would continue his faithfull seruice, ac
|
||
cording to his first oath and promise made to that effect. Whome (as
|
||
hee then sayd) he vtterly renounced to his face, and sayde vnto him
|
||
in this manner, Auoide Satan, auoide, for I haue listned too much vnto
|
||
thee, and by the same thou hast vndone mee, in respect whereof I
|
||
vtterly forsake thee. To whome the deuill answered, That once ere
|
||
thou die thou shalt bee mine. And with that (as he sayde) the deuill
|
||
brake the white wande, and immediatly vanished foorth of his sight.
|
||
Thus all the daie this Doctor Fian continued verie solitarie, and
|
||
seemed to haue care of his owne soule, and would call vppon God,
|
||
shewing himselfe penitent for his wicked life, neuerthelesse the
|
||
same night hee founde such meanes, that hee stole the key of the
|
||
prison doore and chamber in the which he was, which in the night
|
||
hee opened and fled awaie to the Salt pans, where hee was alwayes
|
||
resident, and first apprehended. Of whose sodaine departure when
|
||
the Kings maiestie had intelligence, hee presently commanded dili
|
||
gent inquirie to bee made for his apprehension, and for the better
|
||
effecting thereof, hee sent publike proclamations into all partes of
|
||
his Iande to the same effect. By meanes of whose hot and harde
|
||
pursuite, he was agayn taken and brought to prison, and then being
|
||
called before the kings highnes, hee was reexamined as well touch
|
||
ing his departure, as also touching all that had before happened.
|
||
But this Doctor, notwithstanding that his owne confession ap
|
||
peareth remaining in recorde vnder his owne hande writing, and the
|
||
same therevnto fixed in the presence of the Kings maiestie and sund
|
||
rie of his Councell, yet did hee vtterly denie the same.
|
||
Wherevpon the kinges maiestie perceiuing his stubbourne wil
|
||
fulnesse, conceiued and imagined that in the time of his absence
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX B 299
|
||
|
||
|
||
hee had entered into newe conference and league with the deuill
|
||
his master, and that hee had beene agayne newly marked, for the
|
||
which hee was narrowly searched, but it coulde not in anie wise bee
|
||
founde, yet for more tryall of him to make him confesse, hee was
|
||
commaunded to haue a most straunge torment which was done in
|
||
this manner following.
|
||
His nailes vpon all his fingers were riuen and pulled off with an
|
||
instrument called in Scottish a Turkas, which in England wee call
|
||
a payre of pincers, and vnder euerie nayle there was thrust in two
|
||
needels ouer euen up to the heads. At all which tormentes notwith
|
||
standing the Doctor neuer shronke anie whit, neither woulde he
|
||
then confesse it the sooner for all the tortures inflicted vpon him.
|
||
Then was hee with all conuenient speed, by commandement,
|
||
conuaied againe to the torment of the bootes, wherein hee con
|
||
tinued a long time, and did abide so many blowes in them, that his
|
||
legges were crushte and beaten togeather as small as might bee, and
|
||
the bones and flesh so brused, that the bloud and marrowe spouted
|
||
forth in great abundance, whereby they were made unseruiceable
|
||
for euer. And notwithstanding al these grieuous paines and cruell
|
||
torments hee would not confesse anie thing, so deepely had the
|
||
deuill entered into his heart, that hee vtterly denied all that which
|
||
he had before auouched, and woulde saie nothing therevnto but this,
|
||
that what hee had done and sayde before, was onely done and sayde
|
||
for feare of paynes which he had endured.
|
||
Upon great consideration therefore taken by the Kings maiestie
|
||
and his Councell, as well for the due execution of iustice vppon such
|
||
detestable malefactors, as also for example sake, to remayne a ter
|
||
rour to all others heereafter, that shall attempt to deale in the lyke
|
||
wicked and vngodlye actions, as witchcraft, sorcery, cuniuration,
|
||
&such lyke, the sayde Doctor Fian was soone after araigned, con
|
||
demned, and adiudged by the law to die, and then to bee burned
|
||
according to the lawe of that Iande, prouided in that behalfe.
|
||
Wherevpon hee was put into a carte, and beeing first strangled, hee
|
||
|
||
|
||
300 APPENDIX B
|
||
|
||
|
||
was immediatly put into a great fire, being readie prouided for that
|
||
purpose, and there burned in the Castle hill of Edenbrough on a sater
|
||
daie in the ende of Ianuarie last past. 1 59 1 .
|
||
The rest of the witches which are not yet executed, remayne in
|
||
prison till farther triall, and knowledge of his maiesties pleasure.
|
||
|
||
|
||
This strange discourse before recited, may perhaps giue some occasion
|
||
of doubt to such as shall happen to reade the same, and thereby coniecture
|
||
that the Kings maiestie would not hazarde himselfe in the presence of such
|
||
notorious witches, least therby might haue insued great danger to his person
|
||
and the generall state of the land, which thing in truth might wel haue bene
|
||
ftared. But to answer generally to such, let this suffice: that first it is well
|
||
knowen that the King is the child & seruant of God, and they but seru
|
||
ants to the deuil, hee is the Lords annointed, and they but vesselles of Gods
|
||
wrath: he is a true Christian, and trusteth in God, they worse than Infidels,
|
||
for they onely trust in the deuill, who daily serue them, till he haue brought
|
||
them to vtter destruction. But heereby it seemeth that his Highnesse caried
|
||
a magnanimious and vndanted mind, not ftared with their inchantmentes,
|
||
|
||
but resolute in this, that so long as God is with him, hee .feareth not who is
|
||
against him. And trulie the whole scope of this treatise dooth so plainely
|
||
laie open the wonderful! prouidence of the Almightie, that if he had not
|
||
bene defended by his omnipotencie and power, his Highnes had neuer re
|
||
turned aliue in his voiage fro Denmarke, so that there is no doubt but God
|
||
|
||
woulde as well defend him on the land as on the sea, where they pretended
|
||
their damnable practise.
|
||
|
||
|
||
FINIS.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### A PPE N DI X C
|
||
#### Witchcraft Act and Tolbooth Speech of james the First
|
||
|
||
THE WITCHCR AFT ACT OF 1604
|
||
|
||
|
||
One of the first things James did upon being crowned king of Eng
|
||
land was to set about repealing the Witchcraft Act of 1 563 that had
|
||
been in force for most of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. The history
|
||
of the civil witchcraft laws in England began with the statute of
|
||
|
||
1 542, passed under the reign of King Henry VIII. This statute was
|
||
found to be unenforceable and was repealed in 1 547. In 1 563 Eliz
|
||
abeth brought the witchcraft laws back onto the books in a form
|
||
somewhat more severe than had existed so briefly under the rule of
|
||
her father. However, they were not severe enough for James, who, if
|
||
he had been allowed free action in drafting the new statute, would
|
||
probably have made every act of magic or witchcraft punishable by
|
||
death.
|
||
The text below is faithful to the original text of the statute. Only
|
||
the spelling and some of the punctuation have been modernized to
|
||
make comprehension easier.
|
||
|
||
|
||
An Act against conjuration, witchcraft and dealing with
|
||
|
||
evil and wicked Spirits.
|
||
|
||
s. Eliz.c 1 6. Be it enacted by the king our sovereign lord of the Lords
|
||
Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in this present Parliament
|
||
|
||
|
||
302 APPENDIX C
|
||
|
||
|
||
assembled, and by the authority of the same, That the Statute made
|
||
in the fifth year of the Reign of our late Sovereign lady of the most
|
||
famous and happy memory Queen Elizabeth, entitled An Act against
|
||
Conjurations, Enchantments and witchcrafts, be from the Feast of St.
|
||
Michael the Archangel next coming, for and concerning a Offenses to
|
||
be committed after the same Feast, utterly repealed.
|
||
|
||
II. And for the better restraining of said offenses, and more severe
|
||
punishing the same, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid,
|
||
That if any person or persons, after the said feast of Saint Michael
|
||
the Archangel next coming shall use, practice, or exercise any Invo
|
||
cation, or Conjuration of any evil and wicked spirits, or shall con
|
||
sult, covenant with, entertain, employ, feed or reward any evil and
|
||
wicked spirit to or for any intent or purpose, or take up any dead
|
||
man, woman or child out of his or her or their grave, or any other
|
||
place where the dead body resteth, or the skin, bone, or any other
|
||
part of any dead person, to be employed or used in any manner of
|
||
witchcraft, sorcery, charm, or Enchantment; or shall use, practice, or
|
||
exercise any witchcraft, Enchantment, charm, or sorcery whereby
|
||
any person shall be killed, destroyed, wasted, consumed, pined, or
|
||
lamed in his or her body, or any part thereof; then that every such
|
||
Offender or Offenders, their Aiders and Abettors and Counselors,
|
||
being of any the said Offenses duly and lawfully convicted and at
|
||
tainted, shall suffer pains of death as a Felon or Felons, and shall lose
|
||
the privilege and benefit of Clergy and Sanctuary.
|
||
|
||
III. And further, to the intent that all manner of practice, use,
|
||
or exercise of Witchcraft, Enchantment, Charm, or Sorcery should
|
||
be from henceforth utterly avoided, abolished, and taken away, Be it
|
||
enacted by the authority of this Present Parliament, that if any Per
|
||
son or Persons shall, from and after the said feast of Saint Michael
|
||
the Archangel next coming, take upon him or them by Witchcraft,
|
||
Enchantment, Charm, or Sorcery to tell or declare in what place any
|
||
treasure of Gold or silver should or might be found or had in the
|
||
earth or other secret places, or where Goods or Things lost or stolen
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX C 303
|
||
|
||
|
||
should be found or be come; or to the intent to Provoke any person
|
||
to unlawful love; or whereby any chattel or Goods of any Person
|
||
shall be destroyed, wasted, or impaired; or to hurt or destroy any
|
||
Person in his or her body, although the same be not effected and
|
||
done: that then all and every such Person and Persons so offending,
|
||
and being thereof lawfully convicted, shall for the said Offense suffer
|
||
Imprisonment by the space of one whole year, without bail or main
|
||
prize [surety], and once in every quarter of the said year, shall in
|
||
some market town, upon the market day, or at such time as any Fair
|
||
shall be kept there, stand openly upon the pillory by the space of six
|
||
hours, and there shall openly confess his or her error and offense.
|
||
And if any person or persons being once convicted of the same of
|
||
fenses as is aforesaid, do eftsoons perpetrate and commit the like of
|
||
fense, that then every such Offender, being of the said offenses the
|
||
second time lawfully and duly convicted and attained as is aforesaid,
|
||
shall suffer pains of death as a Felon or felons, and shall lose the ben
|
||
efit and privilege of Clergy and Sanctuary: saving to the wife of such
|
||
person as shall offend in anything contrary to this Act, her title of
|
||
dower; and also to the heir and Successor of every such person, his
|
||
or their titles of inheritance, succession, and other Rights, as though
|
||
no such Attainder of the Ancestor or Predecessor had been made;
|
||
provided always that if the Offender in any cases aforesaid shall hap
|
||
pen to be a Peer of this realm, then his Trial there is to be had by his
|
||
Peers, as is used in cases of Felony or Treason and not others.
|
||
1 603-4 in the year of his majesty james Stuart of England and Scot
|
||
|
||
land VI
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Tolbooth Speech of 1 59 1
|
||
The original Tolbooth was constructed in Edinburgh in 1 501 to
|
||
house the parliament and courts of justice. A new building replaced
|
||
it in 1 563 . It later served as a prison, and was finally torn down in
|
||
1 8 1 7. It was located in what is presently the lower High Street, just
|
||
a few blocks east of Castle Hill where many of the North Berwick
|
||
witches were burned.
|
||
|
||
|
||
304 APPENDIX C
|
||
|
||
|
||
It was here that James confronted the jury that acquitted Barbara
|
||
Napier of witchcraft on June 7, 1 59 1 . James was furious at the ac
|
||
quittal, which seemed to him to fly in the face of the evidence that
|
||
he had heard given out of the very mouths of the witches; he also
|
||
regarded it as an affront to his authority since he had made plain
|
||
his interest in seeing all the North Berwick witches condemned. He
|
||
charged the members of the jury with "willful error on assize, ac
|
||
quitting a witch" and later had them all tried on this account.
|
||
|
||
|
||
june 1 591 King]ames' speech to accused jurors:
|
||
"For witchcraft, which is a thing grown very common amongst us, I
|
||
know it to be a most abominable sin, and I have been occupied these
|
||
three quarters of this year for the sifting out of them that are guilty
|
||
herein. We are taught by the laws both of God and men that this sin
|
||
is most odious, and by God's law punishable by death. By man's law
|
||
it is called maleficium or veneficium, an ill deed or a poisonable deed,
|
||
and punishable likewise by death. Now if it be death being practiced
|
||
against any of the people, I must needs think it to be-at least the like if it be against the King . . . As for them who think these
|
||
witchcrafts to be but fantasies, I remit them to be catechized and
|
||
instructed in these most evident pointes . . . . because I see the pride
|
||
of these witches and their friends, which cannot be prevented but by
|
||
mine own presence. And for these witches, whatsoever hath been
|
||
gotten from them hath been done by me myself; not because I was
|
||
more wise then others, but because I was not partial, and believed
|
||
that such a vice did reign and ought to be repressed.
|
||
"The thing that moved [the men of the assize] to find as they
|
||
did, was because they had no testimony but of witches; which they
|
||
thought not sufficient. By the civil law I know that such infamous
|
||
persons are not received for witnesses, but in matters of heresy and
|
||
lesae majestatis. For in other matters it is not thought meet, yet in
|
||
these matters of witchcraft good reason that such be admitted. First
|
||
none honest man can know these matters; secondly, because they
|
||
|
||
|
||
APPENDIX C 305
|
||
|
||
|
||
will not accuse themselves; thirdly, because no act which is done by
|
||
them can be seen.
|
||
"Further, I call them witches which do renounce God and yield
|
||
themselves wholly to the Devil; but when they have recanted and re
|
||
pented, as these have done, then I account them not as witches, and
|
||
so their testimony sufficient. In this I refer myself to the ministers.
|
||
Besides, the inquest is to judge of the quality of the testimony and
|
||
circumstances concerning the same. Also it may be observed that
|
||
never any of good life were charged with that crime."
|
||
|
||
|
||
### BI BL IO GR A PH Y
|
||
|
||
Adler, Margot. Drawing Down the Moon: Witches, Druids, Goddess-Wor
|
||
shippers and Other Pagans in America Today. New York: The Viking
|
||
Press, 1979.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Agrippa, Henry Cornelius. Three Books of Occult Philosophy [ 1 533].
|
||
Edited and annotated by Donald Tyson. St. Paul, MN: Llewellyn
|
||
Publications, 1993.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Ahmed, Rollo. The Black Art [1936]. Introduction by Dennis Wheat
|
||
ley. London: Arrow Books, 1966.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Anonymous. Henry Cornelius Agrippa, His Fourth Book of Occult Philos
|
||
ophy. Translated into English by Robert Turner [1 655]. Facsimile
|
||
edition. Contains Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy, Of Geomancy,
|
||
Magical Elements of Peter de Abano, Astronomical Geomancy, The
|
||
Nature of Spirits, and the Arbatel of Magick. London: Askin Pub
|
||
lishers, 1 978.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Ankarloo, Bengt, and Clark, Stuart. Witchcraft and Magic in Europe:
|
||
Ancient Greece and Rome. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsyl
|
||
vania Press, 1999.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Barnstone, Willis (editor). The Other Bible. New York: HarperCollins
|
||
Publishers, 1 984.
|
||
|
||
Barrett, Francis. The Magus or Celestial lntelligencer, Being A Complete
|
||
System of Occult Philosophy [1801]. Facsimile limited edition. New
|
||
York: Samuel Weiser, no date.
|
||
|
||
|
||
307
|
||
|
||
|
||
308 BIBLIOGRAPHY
|
||
|
||
|
||
Betz, Hans Dieter (editor). The Greek Magical Papyri in Translation,
|
||
Including the Demotic Spells. Second edition. Volume one: texts.
|
||
Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1992.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Bores, George. The Damnable Life and Death of Stubbe Peeter. London:
|
||
Edward Venge, 1 590.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Carus, Paul. The History of the Devil and the Idea of Evil [1900]. New
|
||
York: Gramercy Books, 1996.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Couliano, loan P. Eros and Magic in the Renaissance [1984]. Translated
|
||
by Margaret Cook, foreword by Mircea Eliade. Chicago and Lon
|
||
don: University of Chicago Press, 1987.
|
||
|
||
|
||
de Givry, Grillot. Witchcraft, Magic and Alchemy. Translated by J.
|
||
Courtenay Locke [193 1]. New York: Dover Publications, 1971.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Elworthy, Frederick. The Evil Eye [1 895]. New York: Collier Books,
|
||
1970.
|
||
|
||
Evans-Wentz, Walter Yeeling. The Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries
|
||
|
||
[191 1]. New York: University Books, 1966.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Farrar, Stewart and janet. A Witches' Bible: The Complete Witch Hand
|
||
book. Contains Eight Sabbats for Witches [1981] and The Witches'
|
||
Way [1984] bound together under one cover. Custer, Washington:
|
||
Phoenix Publishing, 1996.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Frazer, Sir James George. The Golden Bough: A Study in Magic and Reli
|
||
gion. Abridged edition [ 1922]. New York: The Macmillan Com
|
||
pany, 195 1 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
Gardner, Gerald B . The Meaning of Witchcraft [1959]. Foreword by
|
||
Leo Louis Martello. New York: Magickal Childe, 1982.
|
||
|
||
|
||
-. Witchcraft Today [1954]. Forward by Margaret Murray, pref
|
||
ace by Raymond Buckland. New York: Magickal Childe, 1982.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Gesenius, Friedrich Heinrich Wilhelm. Hebrew and Chaldee Lexicon
|
||
to the Old Testament Scriptures [ 1 8 1 0-12]. Translated and edited
|
||
by Samuel Prideaux Tregelles [1 846]. New York: john Wiley and
|
||
Sons, 1890.
|
||
|
||
|
||
BIBLIOGRAPHY 3 [0] 9
|
||
|
||
|
||
Gifford, George. A Dialogue Concerning Witches and Witchcraftes
|
||
|
||
[ 1 593]. Shakespeare Association Facsimilies No. 1 . London:
|
||
Oxford University Press, 193 1 .
|
||
|
||
Godwin, Joscelyn. Mystery Religions in the Ancient World. San Fran
|
||
cisco: Harper and Row, 198 1 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
Graves, Robert. The White Goddess [1948]. Amended and enlarged
|
||
edition. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1966.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Guazzo, Francesco Maria. Compendium Maleficarum [ 1 608]. Trans
|
||
lated by E. A. Ashwin, edited by Montague Summers [1929]. New
|
||
York: Dover Publications, 1988.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Hansen, Chadwick. Witchcraft at Salem. Toronto: Signet Books, 1970.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Hansen, Harold A. The Witch's Garden [1976]. Translated from the
|
||
Danish by Muriel Crofts. Yorke Beach, ME: Samuel Weiser, 1983.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Harrison, G. B. (editor). King]ames the First Daemonologie [1597]. Lon
|
||
don: john Lane the Bodley Head, 1924.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Keightley, Thomas. The Fairy Mythology [1 880]. Reprinted under the
|
||
title The World Guide to Gnomes, Fairies, Elves and Other Little People.
|
||
New York: Avenel Books, 1978.
|
||
|
||
Kieckhefer, Richard. Forbidden Rites: A Necromancer's Manual of the
|
||
Fifteenth Century. University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State Univer
|
||
sity Press, 1997.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Knox, Ronald. The Holy Bible [Old Testament: 1945, New Testament:
|
||
1949]. London: Burns and Oates, 196 1 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
Kramer, Heinrich, and Sprenger, james. The Malleus Maleficarum
|
||
|
||
[1486]. Edited and translated by Montague Summers [1928]. New
|
||
York: Dover Publications, 1971 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
Leland, Charles G. Aradia, or the Gospel of the Witches [1890]. Custer,
|
||
Washington: Phoenix Publishing, 1990.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Gypsy Sorcery and Fortune Telling [1891]. New York: Univer
|
||
sity Books, 1963.
|
||
|
||
|
||
310 BIBLIOGRAPHY
|
||
|
||
|
||
Lethbridge, T. C. Witches [1962]. New York: Citadel Press, 1968.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Mackay, Charles. Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of
|
||
Crowds [1841]. Ware, Hertfordshire: Wordsworth Editions, 1995.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Mannix, Daniel P. The History of Torture. New York: Dell Publishing,
|
||
1964.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Marwick, Max (editor). Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings. Har
|
||
mondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1970.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Masters, R. E. L. Eros and Evil: The Sexual Phychopathology of Witch
|
||
craft [1962]. Contains the full text in English translation of Demo
|
||
niality by Ludovico Maria Sinistrari. Baltimore, MD: Penguin
|
||
Books, 1974.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Mather, Cotton. Cotton Mather On Witchcraft: Being The Wonders of
|
||
the Invisible World [1692]. New York: Bell Publishing Company, no
|
||
date.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Mathers, Samuel Liddell MacGregor. The Goetia: The Lesser Key of
|
||
Solomon the King. Edited by Aleister Crowley [ 1904]. Illustrated
|
||
second edition. York Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser, 1995.
|
||
|
||
|
||
-. The Key of Solomon the King [1 888]. Foreword by Richard Cav
|
||
endish. York Beach, Maine: Samuel Weiser, 1989.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Meyer, Marvin, and Smith, Richard. Ancient Christian Magic: Coptic
|
||
Texts of Ritual Power. New York: Harper Collins Publishers, 1994.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Murray, Margaret A. The God of the Witches [193 1 ]. London: Oxford
|
||
University Press, 1970.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Witch-cult in Western Europe [1921]. Oxford: Clarendon
|
||
Press, 1962.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Oesterreich, Traugott K. Possession: Demoniacal & Other [ 192 1 ].
|
||
Translated by D. Ibberson. Reprinted under the title Possession and
|
||
Exorcism. New York: Causeway Books, 1974.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Ovid. The Fasti, Tristia, Pontic Epistles, Ibis, and Halieuticon of Ovid.
|
||
Translated by Henry T. Riley. London: George Bell and Sons,
|
||
188 1 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
BIBLIOGRAPHY JII
|
||
|
||
|
||
Parrinder, Geoffrey. Witchcraft, European and African [1958]. London:
|
||
Faber and Faber, 1965.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Peel, Edgar, and Southern, Pat. The Trials of the Lancashire Witches:
|
||
A Study of Seventeenth-Century Witchcraft. Newton Abbot, Devon:
|
||
David and Charles, Publishers, 1972.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Philostratus. The Life of Apollonius of Tyana. Translated by F. C.
|
||
Conybeare. Two volumes. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
|
||
Press, 1912.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Remy, Nicolas. Demonolatry [ 1 59 5] . Translated by E. A. Ashwin,
|
||
edited by Montague Summers. London: john Rodker, 1930.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Robbins, Rossell Hope. The Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and Demonol
|
||
ogy. London: Spring Books, 1959.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Scot, Reginald. The Discoverie of Witchcraft [1 584]. Introduction by
|
||
Montague Summers [1930]. New York: Dover Publications, 1972.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Scott, George Ryley. The History of Capital Punishment. London: Ben's
|
||
Books, 1950.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Scott, Sir Walter. Demonology and Witchcraft: Letters Addressed to]. G.
|
||
Lockhart, Esq. Second edition [ 1830]. New York: Bell Publishing
|
||
Company, 1970.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Seligmann, Kurt. The History of Magic. Originally published under
|
||
the title The Mirror of Magic. New York: Pantheon Books, 1948.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Skeat, Walter W An Etymological Dictionary of the English Language.
|
||
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1 882.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Smith, Charlotte Fell. john Dee: 1527-1608. London: Counstable and
|
||
Company, 1909.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Spottiswoode, John. History of the Church and State of Scotland [ 165 5].
|
||
Two volumes. Edinburgh, 1 85 1 .
|
||
|
||
Starkey, Marion L. The Devil In Massachusetts: A Modern Enquiry Into
|
||
the Salem Witch Trials [1949]. New York: Doubleday & Company
|
||
(Anchor Books edition), 1969.
|
||
|
||
|
||
312 BIBLIOGRAPHY
|
||
|
||
|
||
Summers, Montague. A Popular History of Witchcraft [ 1 937]. New
|
||
York: Causeway Books, 1973.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Geography of Witchcraft [1926]. Secaucus, NJ: The Citadel
|
||
Press, 1973.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The History of Witchcraft and Demonology [ 1 926]. Castle
|
||
Books, 1992.
|
||
|
||
|
||
The Werewolf [1933]. New York: Bell Publishing Company,
|
||
1966.
|
||
|
||
Witchcraft and Black Magic [ 1 945]. New York: Causeway
|
||
Books, 1974.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Tyson, Donald. Tetragrammaton. St. Paul, MN: Llewellyn Publica
|
||
tions, 199 5.
|
||
|
||
|
||
Wedeck, Harry E. A Treasury of Witchcraft. New York: Philosophical
|
||
Library, 1961 .
|
||
|
||
|
||
Weyer, johann. On Witchcraft: an abridged translation of johann Wey
|
||
er's De praestigiis daemonum. Edited by Benjamin G. Kohl and H.
|
||
C. Erik Midelfort, from the Latin edition of 1 583. Asheville, NC:
|
||
Pegasus Press, 1998.
|
||
|
||
|
||
### I N DE X
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
Abingdon, 9
|
||
act, witch, 42 (see al.so: statute,
|
||
|
||
witchcraft)
|
||
|
||
Acts (Bible), 58, 1 08
|
||
|
||
Adam, 69
|
||
|
||
admiral, 12, 21-22
|
||
|
||
Admonitio de superstitionibus
|
||
magicis vitandis (Hemming
|
||
|
||
sen), 51
|
||
|
||
Adonai, 70
|
||
Aeneid, The (Virgil), 1 77
|
||
Agag, 180, 280
|
||
|
||
Agrippa, Cornelius, xi, 5, 25,
|
||
47-48, 50-5 1, 70, 75, 77, 84,
|
||
88, 223, 233
|
||
Ahab, King, 58
|
||
|
||
Aicheson, Margaret, 204-205
|
||
|
||
Aicheson, Masie, 204
|
||
|
||
All Hallow's Eve, 213
|
||
Amaymon, 96
|
||
Anaphaxeton, 88
|
||
|
||
angel, 36, 57, 94, 1 2 1, 153, 160
|
||
|
||
Angus, Earl of, 192, 209
|
||
|
||
Anne of Denmark, 2-3, 1 1-12,
|
||
21-22
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
ape, 89, 92, 1 16, 128, 237, 239,
|
||
249, 255
|
||
Apollonius of Tyana, 95
|
||
|
||
apostles, 160, 1 7 1, 271, 275
|
||
|
||
apparition, 14, 57, 83-84, 93,
|
||
153, 225, 236
|
||
arithmancy. See numerology
|
||
|
||
arts, 6, 28-29, 46-47, 49, 55, 63,
|
||
67, 69, 90-91, 1 15, 143-144,
|
||
1 76, 222-223
|
||
Asmoday, 96
|
||
assize of error, 19, 209-210
|
||
|
||
Astaroth, 97
|
||
|
||
astral projection, 126
|
||
|
||
astrology, 29, 68, 70, 73-75,
|
||
78-79
|
||
|
||
astronomy, 70, 73, 78
|
||
|
||
|
||
Babylon, 1 50, 1 56
|
||
Bailzy, Marion, 205
|
||
Bandilandis, Janet, 191, 289
|
||
|
||
baptism, 1 1, 39, 97, 1 12, 1 16,
|
||
171, 1 83
|
||
|
||
barbarous words, 70-71
|
||
Barnstone, Willis, 108
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
313
|
||
|
||
|
||
314
|
||
|
||
|
||
Barrett, Francis, 93
|
||
Beast, the, 65, 85, 89, 1 19, 122,
|
||
1 53, 156, 237, 252, 267
|
||
Begton, Meg, 204
|
||
bell<EFBFBD>36, 165, 167, 1 70, 1 72, 209
|
||
Beelzebub, 97, 1 75, 278
|
||
beggars, 165, 1 67, 273
|
||
Bel and the Dragon (Apocrypha),
|
||
121, 151
|
||
bewitch, 1 7, 59, 1 13, 129, 1 86,
|
||
197, 214, 285, 295
|
||
Bible, 4, 28-29, 3 1, 59-61, 70,
|
||
|
||
108, 154
|
||
birds, 86, 1 19
|
||
bleeding, 109
|
||
blood, 4, 25, 30, 73, 76, 85-86,
|
||
92, 96-97, 109, 1 1 7, 154, 183,
|
||
202, 207, 232
|
||
Bodin, Jean, 47, 50, 225
|
||
Bodley Head, 41-42
|
||
boot, 217-21 8
|
||
Bordeaux, 187-188
|
||
|
||
Bothwell, Earl of, 13, 26, 204,
|
||
208, 216
|
||
Bowes, Sir Robert. 205, 209
|
||
breath, 32, 60, 122, 125, 154, 214,
|
||
25 1
|
||
bridle, witch's, 24
|
||
Brounhill, Thomas, 205
|
||
Brown, Bessie, 205
|
||
brownie, 160, 270
|
||
Buchanan, Duncan, 205
|
||
Buckingham, Duke of, 1 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Burghley, Lord, 12, 20, 209-210,
|
||
212
|
||
burning, 8, 1 7, 204, 208
|
||
Burntisland, 13, 1 7, 22, 195
|
||
buttocks (see also: hinder parts),
|
||
xi, 1 8, 32, 120, 194, 214
|
||
|
||
|
||
Calicut, 1 17, 120
|
||
Campbell, Janet, 205
|
||
Cardano, Girolamo, 78-79
|
||
Cardanus. See Cardano,
|
||
Girolamo
|
||
|
||
cards, 91
|
||
Carmichael, James, 41, 188
|
||
Carrington, Christian, 205
|
||
Carschoggill, Laird of, 208
|
||
Castle Hill, 18-19, 27, 202, 204,
|
||
208-209, 300, 303
|
||
cat, 7, 12, 25, 89, 132, 195, 21 1,
|
||
217, 293
|
||
Catholic, 3, 34, 37, 59, 97, 145,
|
||
161
|
||
Cockburn, Thomas, 205
|
||
charms, 7, 19, 23-24, 29, 50, 60,
|
||
73, 76, 8 1, 1 1 1, 212
|
||
Chelmsford, 8
|
||
Cimmeria, 160
|
||
circles, 26, 29-30, 49, 57, 69,
|
||
81-83, 87, 1 39, 225, 23 1, 235236, 260
|
||
Chaldeans, 67, 100
|
||
Charybdis, 124, 126, 254
|
||
Chirnside, Ninian, 205
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Christ, 5, 37, 90, 97, 1 1 5, 123,
|
||
128, 132, 143, 158, 160-161,
|
||
169-171, 1 75, 238, 248, 253,
|
||
255, 258, 261, 269, 271, 274276, 278
|
||
Christians, 35, 57, 75, 143, 150,
|
||
153, 159-160, 173, 176, 226,
|
||
233, 262, 265, 267, 270, 277,
|
||
279
|
||
church, 3, 9, 14, 1 7, 2 1, 37, 97,
|
||
108, 1 1 7, 120, 122, 133, 152,
|
||
160-1 61, 169, 199, 21 1, 213215, 2 1 7, 250, 252, 267, 271,
|
||
274, 297
|
||
Church History of Britain (Fuller),
|
||
9
|
||
Clark, Michael, 205
|
||
clay, 33, 128, 1 33, 255
|
||
cleanliness, 120
|
||
Clement of Alexandria, 108
|
||
Cliftonhall, Lord, 16, 207
|
||
Colington, Marion. See Congliton, Marion
|
||
Coke, Edward, 9
|
||
color of safety, 1 75
|
||
confession, 8, 10, 13, 23, 25-26,
|
||
106, 124, 141, 1 58, 174, 182,
|
||
1 87, 191, 196, 201, 208, 243,
|
||
269, 277, 281, 289, 295, 298
|
||
Congilton, Marion, 205
|
||
conjurations, 29, 57, 69, 81-83,
|
||
139, 23 1, 235, 302
|
||
conjurer, 85, 199
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
315
|
||
|
||
|
||
conjuring, 198, 200
|
||
contract (see also: pact), 30, 7 4,
|
||
82, 89, 92, 96-97, 122-123,
|
||
230, 235, 237, 240
|
||
consultations, 127, 129
|
||
conventions, 24, 39, 1 1 5-1 16,
|
||
121-122, 139, 1 8 1, 206, 217
|
||
convulsions, 9
|
||
Cooper, John, 205
|
||
Copenhagen, 12, 22, 5 1
|
||
corpse (see also: dead body),
|
||
8, 1 7, 25, 34, 36, 69-70, 88,
|
||
94-95, 128, 132-1 33, 217, 254
|
||
Corson, 96
|
||
Cowan, Bessie, 205
|
||
coven, 14, 18
|
||
cow (see also: heifer), xiii, 7, 1 88,
|
||
199, 219, 296-297
|
||
craft, 12, 1 5, 49, 57-58, 82, 89,
|
||
1 1 1, 1 14, 124, 127-129, 1 3 1,
|
||
138, 165, 180, 182, 225, 227,
|
||
235, 237, 245-246, 253-255,
|
||
258-259, 273, 280-281
|
||
craftsfolk, 45, 49, 1 80
|
||
cross, 37, 169
|
||
crown, 13-14, 28
|
||
crystal gazing, 80
|
||
Cunningham, John (see also: Pian,
|
||
John), 191, 196, 199, 289, 294
|
||
curses, 58, 135, 227
|
||
|
||
|
||
Darnley, Lord, 1
|
||
David, 15, 18, 23, 48, 190, 205-206
|
||
|
||
|
||
316
|
||
|
||
|
||
Day Star (see also: Venus), 275,
|
||
|
||
|
||
278
|
||
|
||
De ecclesiasticis disciiplinis
|
||
(Regino of Priim), 1 76
|
||
De Formandis Concionibus (Ger
|
||
hard of Ypres), 5 1
|
||
De lege naturae apodictica metho
|
||
|
||
dus (Hemmingius), 5 1
|
||
De praestigiis daemonum (Weyer),
|
||
48
|
||
De Vita Propria (Cardano), 79
|
||
dead body (see also: corpse), 7,
|
||
|
||
|
||
90, 123, 140, 1 5 1, 1 53, 1 64, 302
|
||
|
||
Decretum (Gratian), 48
|
||
Dee, John, 84
|
||
Delphi, 59
|
||
demoniacs, 106, 130, 1 52, 1 69
|
||
demonologists, 5, 25, 33, 1 66
|
||
Demonology (James), 5, 10, 28,
|
||
40-42
|
||
Demonology and Witchcraft
|
||
(Scott), 2 1 2, 219
|
||
Demonomania (Bodin), 50
|
||
demons, 5, 12, 30, 47, 77, 86,
|
||
96-97, 1 76
|
||
Denmark, 2-3, 1 1-12, 21-22,
|
||
186, 195, 203
|
||
Deuteronomy (Bible), 86, 108
|
||
Devil (see also: Satan), 1 7 4
|
||
Devil's school, 28-29, 68, 75,
|
||
81-82, 92, 190, 196-197
|
||
Devil's rudiments, 28-29, 68, 73,
|
||
|
||
|
||
8 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Diana, 1 73, 1 76, 276
|
||
dice, 9 1, 2 1 7, 239
|
||
Discoverie of Witchcraft (Scot), 47
|
||
disease, 33, 109, 1 3 1, 133-134,
|
||
|
||
|
||
192, 2 1 1, 258, 290
|
||
|
||
disjoint, 128, 1 5 1
|
||
divination, 7, 23, 29, 38, 6 1,
|
||
69-70, 76, 79-80, 86, 108,
|
||
1 1 8-1 19, 21 1, 2 1 7
|
||
diviners, 86, 1 06
|
||
dog, 7, 89, 2 1 1, 237
|
||
Drummond, Janet, 205
|
||
Dun, Meg, 204
|
||
Duncan, Catherine, 204-205
|
||
Duncan, Gilly, 1 6, 23, 190-1 9 1,
|
||
193, 204
|
||
Duncan, Janet, 191, 204-205
|
||
|
||
|
||
Earl of Angus, 192, 208-209
|
||
ecstasy, 122-123
|
||
Edinburgh, xvi, 1, 3, 13, 16-20,
|
||
22, 25, 42, 1 86, 1 88, 19 1-192,
|
||
|
||
|
||
202, 204, 207, 2 1 0-213, 303
|
||
|
||
Edward VI, 79
|
||
Egypt, 3 1, 49, 71, 100
|
||
Eheieh, 70
|
||
elementals, 238
|
||
elements, 18, 90, 95-96, 109
|
||
elf-shot, 1 77
|
||
Elimi, 97
|
||
Elizabeth, Queen, 2, 301
|
||
Elohim, 70
|
||
Elva, 2 1 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Elworthy, Frederick, 133
|
||
|
||
Elysian Fields, 1 77
|
||
Encyclopedia of Witchcraft and
|
||
Demonology (Robbins), 10, 97
|
||
enchantment, 7, 60, 86, 200,
|
||
302
|
||
enchanters, 45, 64, 106, 108, 228,
|
||
244
|
||
enchantress, 60
|
||
endaimona, 1 59, 270
|
||
England, 2-3, 5-6, 8-12, 1 8, 2 1,
|
||
40, 42, 47, 79, 133, 201, 205206, 299, 301, 303
|
||
Enoch, 85
|
||
entrails, 1 1 7, 1 19, 1 54
|
||
Ephesians, 130
|
||
Erinyes, 176
|
||
Ersche, Marion, 204
|
||
Etruscans, 1 19
|
||
Etymological Dictionary, An
|
||
(Skeat), 1 14
|
||
Eumenides, 1 76
|
||
Evangel, 143, 145
|
||
Evans-Wentz, Walter Yeeling,
|
||
1 77
|
||
Eve, 33, 128, 1 72, 193, 213, 219
|
||
evil eye, 60, 76, 126, 133
|
||
Evil Eye, The (Elworthy), 133
|
||
execution, 18-20, 27, 38, 42, 127,
|
||
135, 1 55, 171, 194, 202, 204,
|
||
208, 210, 212, 254, 275, 292,
|
||
299
|
||
Exodus (Bible), 59
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
317
|
||
|
||
|
||
fairies, 34, 37-39, 149, 1 73-1 77,
|
||
|
||
1 82
|
||
Fairley, Janet, 205
|
||
Fairy-Faith in Celtic Countries, The
|
||
(Evans-Wentz), 1 77
|
||
fairy knoll, 1 77
|
||
Fairy Mythology, The (Keightley),
|
||
160
|
||
fairy queen, 3 7, 173-1 7 4
|
||
faith, 2, 4, 10, 35, 1 3 1, 137-138,
|
||
144-145, 1 50, 160, 166-1 67,
|
||
1 76, 196, 257, 259, 265, 271,
|
||
294
|
||
familiar, 7, 26, 30, 40, 46, 59, 70,
|
||
95, 108-109, 2 1 1, 222
|
||
Farneyer, 205
|
||
Farquhar, Archie, 205
|
||
fasting, 37, 171, 275-276
|
||
Faust (Goethe), 95
|
||
ferryboat, 17, 21, 209
|
||
Fian, John, 1 1, 1 6, 1 8-19, 191,
|
||
196, 204-205, 214
|
||
Pian, Thomas, 204-205
|
||
fingers, 15, 1 7, 76-77, 132-133,
|
||
190, 201, 207, 217, 289, 299
|
||
Finland, 36, 165, 167
|
||
fire, 4, 8, 33, 38, 86, 90, 95-97,
|
||
109, 123, 129-130, 133, 155,
|
||
1 79, 202, 204, 209-210, 216,
|
||
238, 252, 256, 279, 300
|
||
Firth of Forth, 13, 16-1 7, 22,
|
||
207, 213
|
||
fits, 9, 1 72
|
||
|
||
|
||
318
|
||
|
||
|
||
floating, 39, 1 82
|
||
flying, 32
|
||
Fontenay, Marquis de, 2
|
||
Foras, 96
|
||
forespeak, 59, 75
|
||
|
||
Four Books on the Study of Theol
|
||
ogy (Gerhard of Ypres), 5 1
|
||
Fourth Book of Occult Philosophy
|
||
(anon.), 5 1, 92-93
|
||
freits, 73-74, 1 1 1, 171
|
||
Fuller, Thomas, 9
|
||
Furies, 176
|
||
|
||
|
||
Gaia, 59
|
||
Gall, Janet, 205
|
||
Geddie, Malie, 205
|
||
Genesis (Bible), 63, 69, 1 59
|
||
genitals, 24, 50, 217
|
||
Gennesaret, 90
|
||
Geography of Witchcraft (Summers), 6, 216
|
||
geomancy, 75, 79
|
||
Gerhard of Ypres (writer), 5 1
|
||
Gesenius, William, 60, 1 54
|
||
ghosts, 34, 144-145, 153
|
||
Givry, Grillot de, 77, 97
|
||
glamour, 50
|
||
Gnomes, 95
|
||
Gnostics, 71
|
||
Goap, 96
|
||
goat, 76
|
||
goblin, 160
|
||
God of the Witches (Murray), 1 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
God's ape (see also: Devil, Satan),
|
||
92, 1 16, 128
|
||
Goetia, The (Mathers), 87,
|
||
96
|
||
Golden Ass, The (Apuleius), 219
|
||
Gordon, John, 204
|
||
Gospel (Bible), 143, 145, 261
|
||
Graham, Richard, 204
|
||
Grandier, Urbain, 96-97
|
||
grave, 1 6, 94, 1 5 1, 21 1, 302
|
||
Gray, Katherine, 204
|
||
Graymeal. See Gordon, john
|
||
|
||
Greece, 49, 71
|
||
Grierson, Isabel, 204
|
||
Grierson, Robert, 204, 215
|
||
griffon, 1 7
|
||
grimoires, 30, 49, 5 1, 70-71, 85,
|
||
88, 94
|
||
Gunter, Anne, 9
|
||
Gwlene, Bessie, 205
|
||
Gylor, Isabel, 205
|
||
Gypsy Sorcery and Fortune Telling
|
||
(Leland), 50
|
||
|
||
|
||
Habbacuc, 121
|
||
Hades, 71
|
||
hair, 10, 39, 73, 133, 1 56, 160,
|
||
1 80-1 81, 192-193, 212, 219
|
||
Halloween (see also: All Hallow's
|
||
Eve), 1 7-19, 213,
|
||
217
|
||
Hamilton, Archbishop, 79
|
||
hanging, 7-8, 95, 1 5 1, 266
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
hangman, God's, 46
|
||
Harsnett, Samuel, 9
|
||
healer, 15, 23-24, 26, 21 1
|
||
Hebrews (Bible), 64
|
||
heifer (see also: cow), 199
|
||
|
||
hell, 30, 69, 71, 90, 123, 1 54, 194,
|
||
23 1, 253, 292
|
||
Hemmingius. See Hemmingsen,
|
||
Neils
|
||
Hemmingsen, Neils, 5 1
|
||
Henill, Archie, 205
|
||
Hepburn, Jane, 13
|
||
herbs, 5, 29, 49, 73, 165, 167, 21 1
|
||
heretics, 37, 169, 1 75
|
||
high priest, 1 1 8
|
||
hinder parts (see also: buttocks),
|
||
xi, 1 8, 32, 120, 194, 214
|
||
Histories Prodigious, 1 52, 267
|
||
History of Magic, The (Selig
|
||
mann), 97
|
||
History of the Church of Scotland
|
||
(Spottiswoode), 21 1
|
||
History of Witchcraft and Demonology, The (Summers), 9
|
||
hola, 12, 21 1
|
||
Holy Ghost, 64, 101, 242
|
||
holy water, 83, 169
|
||
Holyrood, 14, 192
|
||
Homer, 160
|
||
homosexual, 2
|
||
horoscope, 79
|
||
horse, white, 4, 25
|
||
humiliation, 10, 24
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
319
|
||
|
||
|
||
humor, 35, 105, 107, 109-1 10,
|
||
1 12, 129-130, 1 65, 243-245,
|
||
256, 273
|
||
hunting Mass, 83
|
||
hydromancy, 75, 80
|
||
Hyperius. See Gerhard of Ypres
|
||
Hypnos, 126
|
||
|
||
|
||
I Ching, 79
|
||
liM, 1 50, 1 54, 265
|
||
image, 13, 1 7, 39, 63, 65, 87, 133,
|
||
214, 227
|
||
incubi, 36, 163, 271
|
||
India, 95, 120
|
||
interrogation, 24, 1 72, 208, 218
|
||
invisible, 32, 122, 134
|
||
Irenaeus, 1 08
|
||
Isaiah (Bible), 60
|
||
Israel, 57, 1 18, 226
|
||
Italy, 13, 79, 204
|
||
|
||
|
||
James, King, 1-6, 9, 1 1-14, 1 6,
|
||
18-20, 22, 24-28, 41-42, 47,
|
||
50, 59-60, 69, 84-85, 95, 1 55,
|
||
1 72, 1 88, 206, 209-210, 214,
|
||
216-21 7, 219, 301, 303-304
|
||
James the Fifth, 12-13, 49-50,
|
||
301
|
||
Jehovah, 70
|
||
Jeremiah (Bible), 75, 1 50
|
||
Jethro, 100
|
||
Jew's harp (see also: trump), 1 7,
|
||
213-214
|
||
|
||
|
||
320
|
||
|
||
|
||
Job, 129, 1 3 1, 133, 1 58, 208
|
||
Job (Bible), 133, 1 58
|
||
John (Bible), 129
|
||
|
||
John Dee: 1 527-1608 (Smith),
|
||
84-85, 94
|
||
joints, 1 7, 25, 132-133,
|
||
195
|
||
Jonson, Ben, 109
|
||
Judas, 171
|
||
jugglery, 96
|
||
Kabbalah, 70
|
||
kakodaimona, 159, 270
|
||
Keightley, Thomas, 160
|
||
Kelley, Edward, 94
|
||
Kers, John, 195
|
||
Key of Solomon the King, The
|
||
(Mathers), 86, 95-96
|
||
Killigrew, Sir Henry, 1
|
||
Kinghorn, 13, 1 7, 209
|
||
Kings, I (Bible), 58
|
||
kirk, 3, 14, 1 7-1 8, 1 86, 193-194,
|
||
213, 215-21 7
|
||
kiss, 120, 194, 214
|
||
knee, 1 7, 132-133
|
||
knots, 78
|
||
Knox, Ronald, 59
|
||
knucklebones, 25, 217
|
||
kobold, 160
|
||
Koldings, Anna, 12
|
||
Kramer, Heinrich, 50, 1 57
|
||
|
||
|
||
languages, different, 1 70
|
||
Lapland, 36, 165, 167
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
lares, 1 53
|
||
Latter Day, 90, 123, 1 51-1 52
|
||
Lauder, Helen, 205
|
||
Lauder, Isabel, 205
|
||
laws, 6, 2 1, 33, 35, 38, 301, 304
|
||
Lazarus, 160, 271
|
||
Leicester, 9
|
||
Leith, 12-13, 16-17, 22, 192, 195,
|
||
209, 213
|
||
Leland, Charles, 50
|
||
lemures, 34, 1 53, 265
|
||
Leviathan, 97
|
||
Leviticus (Bible), 86, 1 18
|
||
Life of Apollonius (Philostratus),
|
||
|
||
linen, 4-5, 25, 195
|
||
Linkup, Marian, 12, 205
|
||
liver, 1 19
|
||
Logan, Janet, 205
|
||
Longniddry, Marion, 205
|
||
Loudoun, 96
|
||
love, 1, 7-8, 23, 33, 1 10, 129, 303
|
||
Lowthian, 288-289, 291
|
||
Lucifer, 90, 97, 1 75, 1 78, 238, 278
|
||
Luke (Bible), 1 58, 160
|
||
Luther, Martin, 79
|
||
Lyon, Sir Thomas, 2
|
||
|
||
|
||
madness, 3 1, 33, 197
|
||
magi, 69
|
||
magic, 3, 5-8, 1 1, 16-17, 19-23,
|
||
25-3 1, 37-38, 40-42, 45,
|
||
47-49, 5 1, 53, 60, 65, 67,
|
||
|
||
95
|
||
|
||
|
||
I NDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
69-70, 73, 76-78, 81-82,
|
||
84-86, 88, 94-97, 99-100, 105,
|
||
1 1 6, 122, 132-133, 1 39-141,
|
||
1 76, 180, 206, 21 1-212, 214,
|
||
2 1 7, 301
|
||
magic, stage, 96,
|
||
108
|
||
magicians, 28-3 1, 38, 46, 49-50,
|
||
65-66, 70, 8 1, 89, 91-92,
|
||
95-97, 99, 101, 105-106, 1 1 1,
|
||
1 15, 1 79, 237, 239-244, 246,
|
||
248, 279
|
||
magistrate, 33, 38, 137-138, 1 80,
|
||
1 84, 258-259, 280
|
||
Magus, The (Barrett), 93
|
||
Maitland, John, 20, 208-209
|
||
Malleus Maleficarum (Kramer
|
||
and Sprenger), 50
|
||
Malpas, Katherine, 9
|
||
man-wolves (see also: werewolves), 1 53
|
||
Mare, 37, 165, 168, 273
|
||
Mark (Bible), 30
|
||
mark, 7, 10, 1 5, 30, 32, 39, 57, 65,
|
||
92, 97, 1 12, 1 1 6, 132, 1 58, 169,
|
||
1 72, 182, 190, 192-193, 2 12,
|
||
258, 269, 274, 276
|
||
Mary, Queen of Scots, 1, 13-14
|
||
Mass, 83, 123
|
||
mathematics, 74-75
|
||
Mathers, S. L. MacGregor,
|
||
86-87, 96
|
||
Matthew (Bible), 90, 169-171
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
321
|
||
|
||
|
||
McCalyan, Effie, 204, 207-208,
|
||
2 1 5
|
||
McGillis, Catherine, 204-205
|
||
McGillis, Gilbert, 204
|
||
McGillis, John, 204-205
|
||
mediciners, 74, 128, 166, 209,
|
||
232, 255, 273
|
||
melancholy, 3 1, 35, 105-107,
|
||
109-1 10, 1 53
|
||
melancholy, heroic, 109-1 10
|
||
Melville, Lady Mary, 13
|
||
Melville, Sir James, 13
|
||
Memoirs (Melville), 13, 1 7, 41,
|
||
1 88
|
||
Mephistopheles, 95
|
||
meteor, 133
|
||
Micaiah, 58
|
||
midwife, 1 1, 23-24, 26, 36, 165,
|
||
2 1 1
|
||
miracles, 5, 58, 89, 91-92, 106,
|
||
1 60-161, 1 70, 227, 237, 239,
|
||
243, 271, 275
|
||
mirror script, 97
|
||
Moon, 87-88, 1 18
|
||
Morning Star (see also: Day Star,
|
||
Venus), 1 78
|
||
Morpheus, 126, 253
|
||
Moscrop, Patrick, 207
|
||
Moses, 3 1, 58, 92, 99-101, 106,
|
||
1 18, 227
|
||
Mott, George, 205
|
||
Muirhead, Katherine, 205
|
||
Munk, Peter, 2 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
322
|
||
|
||
|
||
Murray, Margaret, 13, 205,
|
||
2 1 5-216
|
||
Murray, Nichol, 205
|
||
mysteries, heavenly, 91
|
||
|
||
|
||
names, 12, 16, 1 8, 25, 34, 38, 47,
|
||
49, 70-71, 83, 94, 1 50, 1 75,
|
||
205-206, 235, 265, 278
|
||
Nairn, A ie, 205
|
||
Napier, Barbara, 19, 204, 209210, 215
|
||
Nebuchadnezzar, 1 53, 1 56
|
||
necromancers, 28-29, 3 1, 49, 57,
|
||
64-66, 68, 99, 101, 105, 108,
|
||
1 1 1, 1 1 5, 123, 1 75, 228, 240,
|
||
242-243, 246, 248, 253, 278
|
||
necromancy, 6, 8, 28-29, 45, 49,
|
||
65, 67, 69-70, 84, 94, 105
|
||
Nero, 1 08
|
||
Nesbitt, David, 205
|
||
News From Scotland (anon.), xii
|
||
xiv, 1 1 . 27. 41-42, 59, 120, 1 72,
|
||
1 88, 204-205, 217, 219
|
||
Nicholson, Janet, 205
|
||
Nicholson, Marion, 205
|
||
Nis, 160
|
||
North Berwick, 3, 5-6, 10-1 1,
|
||
13-18, 20-21, 23, 25-26, 28,
|
||
41-42, 59, 120, 132-134,
|
||
141, 1 55, 186, 1 88, 193-194,
|
||
206, 21 1, 213, 2 1 5-217, 219,
|
||
303-304
|
||
Nostradamus, 80
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
number of the Beast, 65, 236
|
||
numerology, 29, 80
|
||
nuns, 36, 97, 163
|
||
|
||
|
||
obsession, 145
|
||
Occult Philosophy, Three Books of
|
||
(Agrippa), 5 1
|
||
Orkney, 36, 1 65
|
||
Oslo, 3, 21-22, 24, 194, 2 1 7
|
||
Other Bible, The (Barnstone), 1 08
|
||
overlooking, 36, 60
|
||
oyster shell, 1 9 5
|
||
|
||
|
||
pact (see also: contract), 7, 23, 30,
|
||
70, 95-97
|
||
pagans, 43, 59, 75, 1 1 7, 1 52, 1 59,
|
||
1 73-1 74
|
||
palm reading, 29
|
||
paper, 133, 1 88, 198-199, 2 1 7,
|
||
296
|
||
Papists, 34, 37, 83, 123, 169-1 71
|
||
Paracelsus, 95-96
|
||
paralysis, sleep, 168
|
||
parliament, 6, 14, 42, 84, 210,
|
||
302-303
|
||
Parnassus, 59
|
||
Pasiphae, 219
|
||
Paul, 57, 94, 100, 108, 226
|
||
Peter, 12, 21-22, 50, 107-108,
|
||
123, 1 55, 245, 252
|
||
Pavia, 78-79
|
||
peddler, 187-188
|
||
pentacles, 49
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Persia, 69
|
||
pestilence, 13 7
|
||
Peter of Palude, 50
|
||
Peterson, Marion, 205
|
||
Pharaoh, 58, 9 1, 106, 244
|
||
Philo Judaeus, 1 18
|
||
Philostratus, 95
|
||
physiognomy, 75, 80, 91
|
||
pig, 1 1
|
||
pillory, 7, 303
|
||
pilliwinks (see also: thumbscrews), 190, 207
|
||
pins, 133, 196
|
||
Pluto, 69, 71
|
||
po<EFBFBD>on, 33, 124, 128
|
||
poisoner, 60
|
||
poppet, 133
|
||
possession, 9, 96, 145, 1 72
|
||
powder, 17, 132
|
||
|
||
praye<EFBFBD>33, 35, 37, 108, 132, 1 52,
|
||
1 7 1, 21 1, 258, 267, 276
|
||
pregnant, 19, 36, 167, 208-210
|
||
Prestonpans, 1 7, 207, 213
|
||
pricking, 97
|
||
priests, 37, 48, 1 1 7, 1 19-120, 249
|
||
Primeumaton, 88
|
||
Prince of the Air (see also: Devil,
|
||
Satan), 130, 257
|
||
princes, 90-91, 99-100, 238-239,
|
||
241
|
||
prison, 7-8, 1 6, 19, 34, 90, 94,
|
||
123, 137, 139-141, 191-192,
|
||
200-202, 204, 238, 252, 258,
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
323
|
||
|
||
|
||
260-261, 289-290, 297-298,
|
||
300, 303
|
||
prophecy, 57, 67, 1 60, 1 74
|
||
prophetess, 59
|
||
prophets, 57, 9 1, 123, 160, 171,
|
||
225-226, 238, 253, 271, 276
|
||
Protestant, 2-3, 34, 5 1, 59
|
||
Proverbs (Bible), 181
|
||
Psalms (Bible), 1 59
|
||
punishment, 6, 8, 19, 33, 35, 38,
|
||
40, 46, 69, 99, 101, 13 1-132,
|
||
145, 1 79, 1 83, 210, 222, 23 1,
|
||
240, 242, 257-258, 279
|
||
pulpit, 1 7, 1 1 7, 120, 194, 210,
|
||
214-215, 250, 292
|
||
purity, 94
|
||
Python, 58-59, 106, 227, 244
|
||
Pythoness, 56, 59, 106
|
||
|
||
|
||
Ramsey, John, 205
|
||
Ranking, Marion, 205
|
||
Rashi, 1 1 8
|
||
reel, 193, 214
|
||
register, 1 86, 196
|
||
religion, 144, 168, 1 70-1 71, 226,
|
||
262, 275-276
|
||
Revelation (Bible), 4
|
||
revenge, 28, 3 1, 65-66, 1 12, 1 15,
|
||
183, 229
|
||
Richardson, A e, 205
|
||
riddle, 73, 76, 1 1 1, 193, 212, 232,
|
||
246, 291
|
||
ring, 26, 90, 95, 1 77, 2 14, 237
|
||
|
||
|
||
324
|
||
|
||
|
||
Robbins, Rossell Hope, 9-10,
|
||
|
||
Robinson, Donald, 204
|
||
Romans, 71, 1 19, 1 53-1 54
|
||
runes, 26, 76
|
||
Ruthven, 2
|
||
|
||
|
||
sabbat, 13, 1 7-19, 213, 216
|
||
sacraments, 128
|
||
sacrifice, 85-86, 132, 135, 258
|
||
Sadducees, 45, 143, 145, 222
|
||
|
||
saints, 57, 97, 101, 161
|
||
Salem, 9
|
||
Saltpans, 1 7-1 8, 25, 191, 197,
|
||
199, 207, 213, 289, 295, 297
|
||
Saltpreston, 1 7, 207
|
||
Sampson, Agnes, 23-25, 132,
|
||
191, 193-194, 204-206, 212214, 289
|
||
Samuel, 9, 39, 56-58, 6 1, 144,
|
||
180, 182, 225-226, 262
|
||
Samuel, I (Bible), 58
|
||
Satan (see also: Devil), xi, 3-5, 12,
|
||
14-17, 23, 25, 27, 30, 32-33,
|
||
40-41, 45, 48-49, 57, 65, 82,
|
||
91, 97, 1 15-1 16, 121, 132,
|
||
143, 1 59, 161, 1 75-1 76, 1 78,
|
||
182-1 82, 200, 298
|
||
Salamanders, 95
|
||
Saltpreston, 1 7, 207
|
||
Saul, 39, 56-58, 101, 106,
|
||
1 80, 182, 225-226, 243244
|
||
|
||
97
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
sciences, 67, 69, 91, 99-100, 229,
|
||
23 1, 239, 241
|
||
Scheill, Marion. See Shaw, Marion
|
||
Scot, Reginald, xi. 47
|
||
Scoto, 91, 239
|
||
Scott, Sir Walter, 219
|
||
Scripture, 55-56, 91, 105-106,
|
||
130, 1 5 1, 1 75, 224, 238, 243244, 257, 266, 278
|
||
scryer, crystal, 94
|
||
Scylla, 124, 126, 254
|
||
|
||
Seaton, David, 190, 205
|
||
|
||
seed, 36, 164
|
||
Serpent, 33, 65, 92, 128, 229, 239
|
||
sex, 36, 38, 128, 1 66, 1 79
|
||
Shaddai, 70
|
||
shades, 34, 153, 182
|
||
Shaw, Marion, 205
|
||
Shetland, 36, 165
|
||
Sibbet, John, 205
|
||
sieve, 76-77, 193, 212
|
||
Siloam, 158, 269
|
||
Simon Magus, 58, 106, 108, 227,
|
||
243-244
|
||
Simonians, 108
|
||
Simson, Annie, 205
|
||
sin, 28, 35, 58, 63-64, 100-101,
|
||
144-145, 161, 180, 183, 227228, 242, 280, 304
|
||
Skeat, Walter W, 1 14
|
||
slaves, 29, 45, 68-69, 1 17, 129
|
||
sleep, 1 5, 24, 126, 168, 198, 212
|
||
Smith, Charlotte, 3 1 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Smith, John, 85
|
||
|
||
Solomon, 85-87, 96, 181
|
||
soot-ball, 12
|
||
sooth-dream, 1 74
|
||
sorcerers, 28-29, 3 1, 49, 59,
|
||
|
||
65-66, 101, 106, 154, 229, 242,
|
||
244
|
||
sorceress, 60
|
||
sorcer<EFBFBD>6-7, 28, 3 1, 45, 49-5 1,
|
||
65, 103, 105, 1 1 1, 155, 189,
|
||
197-198, 200, 202, 288, 295,
|
||
299, 302
|
||
soul, 14, 32, 35, 37, 46, 68, 83-84,
|
||
97, 123, 132, 138, 149, 1 5 1,
|
||
1 58, 1 70-1 71, 201, 236
|
||
specters, 34, 45
|
||
spectra, 149-1 50, 264-265
|
||
spells, 33, 141
|
||
sperm, 36, 163-164
|
||
Sprenger, james, 50, 167
|
||
spirit, 2, 7, 26, 35-38, 46, 56-59,
|
||
64-65, 68, 82-83, 87-88,
|
||
90-91, 94-95, 100, 106,
|
||
108-109, 1 16, 121-124, 129130, 1 5 1-1 54, 1 59-160, 163,
|
||
166, 170-1 71, 1 74-1 75, 1 8 1,
|
||
21 1-212, 222, 225-228, 230,
|
||
235-236, 238, 241, 244, 249,
|
||
270, 278, 302
|
||
stake, 8, 19, 204, 208-209, 212
|
||
stars, 29, 70, 74-75, 86, 95, 134
|
||
statute, witchcraft (see also: act,
|
||
witch), 5-6, 42, 84, 94, 108
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
325
|
||
|
||
|
||
Sterling Castle, 1
|
||
|
||
Stewart, Francis, 13, 216
|
||
stick, enchanted, 26
|
||
stigmata, 161
|
||
Stillcart, Meg, 205
|
||
stone, 37-38, 73, 1 74, 177, 23 1,
|
||
277
|
||
stoop. See stake
|
||
storm, 3, 12-13, 21-22, 24-25,
|
||
48
|
||
strangulation, 8, 19, 204
|
||
Straton, janet, 205
|
||
Straton, Agnes, 205
|
||
Styx, 71
|
||
succubi, 36, 163, 271
|
||
Summers, Montague, 5-6, 10,
|
||
13, 1 54-1 55, 1 76, 216
|
||
Sylphs, 95
|
||
|
||
|
||
table, 95
|
||
tears, 39, 183
|
||
tempests, 33, 130
|
||
testimony, 6, 9, 17, 21, 24, 28,
|
||
38-39, 64, 120, 166, 188, 206,
|
||
213-214, 216-21 7, 304-305
|
||
Tetragrammaton, 70, 88, 1 1 8
|
||
Tetragrammaton (Tyson), 1 1 8
|
||
Thomson, Bessie, 205-206
|
||
Thomson, Margaret, 205-206
|
||
thrawing (see also: wringing),
|
||
207, 294
|
||
thrawn, 193
|
||
Thummim, 1 1 7-1 1 8, 249
|
||
|
||
|
||
326
|
||
|
||
|
||
times, observer of, 86
|
||
|
||
tinsel, 1 38, 1 58
|
||
Thompson, Edward H., 1 88
|
||
thumbscrews, 1 5, 207
|
||
|
||
toad, black, 1 94
|
||
|
||
Todd, Begie, 204
|
||
|
||
Todd, Christian, 204
|
||
|
||
Tolbooth Speech, 3, 19, 42, 2 1 0,
|
||
|
||
301, 303
|
||
|
||
Tompson, Agnes, 207
|
||
|
||
tongue, 106, 144, 1 92, 1 96, 2 1 3,
|
||
|
||
262
|
||
|
||
torture, 3, 8, 10, 1 5-1 6, 20-2 1,
|
||
|
||
23, 25, 28, 39, 1 07, 141, 1 72,
|
||
|
||
1 83, 1 90, 1 92, 204-205, 207208, 2 1 2, 2 1 6-2 1 8, 245, 282,
|
||
|
||
289-290
|
||
Tragical History of Doctor Faus
|
||
|
||
tus (Marlowe), 95
|
||
|
||
trance, 32, 38-39, 1 26
|
||
|
||
Tranent, 16, 23, 25, 1 87, 205
|
||
207, 213
|
||
|
||
treason, 1 9-20, 39, 1 80-1 8 1, 2 1 0,
|
||
|
||
280-28 1, 303
|
||
|
||
triangle, 87-88
|
||
tripod, 59
|
||
trump (see also: Jew 's harp), 1 93,
|
||
|
||
2 1 3, 29 1
|
||
|
||
turkas, 201, 299
|
||
|
||
|
||
umbrae mortuorum, 1 50
|
||
|
||
Underworld, 7 1
|
||
|
||
Undines, 95
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Ur, 100
|
||
|
||
Urim, 1 1 7-1 1 8
|
||
|
||
|
||
ventriloquists, 1 72
|
||
|
||
Venus, 1 78
|
||
|
||
Virgil, 1 73, 1 77
|
||
|
||
voice, hollow, 37,
|
||
|
||
1 70
|
||
|
||
Vulgate (Bible), 60
|
||
|
||
|
||
Wallace, Catherine, 205
|
||
Walton le Dale, 94
|
||
|
||
wand, white, 200, 298
|
||
wands, 92
|
||
|
||
Waring, Paul, 94
|
||
Watt, Charles, 204
|
||
|
||
wax, 1 3, 1 7, 33, 1 28-129, 133,
|
||
|
||
209, 2 1 2, 2 1 4-2 1 6
|
||
|
||
werewolves, 3 5, 1 53,
|
||
|
||
55
|
||
|
||
Westham, 9
|
||
Weyer, johann, 25, 48-49
|
||
whirlpool, 126
|
||
|
||
White, Helen, 205
|
||
|
||
Whitelaw, Alexander, 205
|
||
wicca, 1 13-1 14
|
||
Wierus. See Weyer, 47
|
||
|
||
wind, 12, 22, 25, 32, 48, 96, 122,
|
||
|
||
1 95
|
||
winding sheet, 133
|
||
window, 35, 1 08, 1 5 1, 265-266
|
||
|
||
wine, 46, 1 88, 1 93, 2 1 2-2 1 3, 2 1 6,
|
||
|
||
222, 29 1
|
||
|
||
|
||
INDEX
|
||
|
||
|
||
Wise Wife of Nether-Keith, 1 6,
|
||
|
||
23
|
||
Witchcraft, Magic and Alchemy (de
|
||
Givry), 77, 97
|
||
Witchcraft Statute, 4-10, 2 1, 42,
|
||
84, 94, 108, 301
|
||
Witch-cult In Western Europe,
|
||
The (Murray), 14, 215-216
|
||
witnesses, 27, 39, 107, 122, 167,
|
||
181, 199, 252, 281, 297, 304
|
||
wizards, 60, 108
|
||
women, 8-10, 12, 16, 27, 33,
|
||
36-37, 39, 41, 46, 48, 8 1, 107,
|
||
127-129, 147, 153, 163, 166,
|
||
173, 176, 182, 192, 213, 215,
|
||
|
||
|
||
|
||
327
|
||
|
||
|
||
222, 234, 245, 254-256, 264,
|
||
|
||
268, 271, 273, 277, 281-282,
|
||
290
|
||
words of God, 29, 40, 57, 69, 74,
|
||
82, 88, 101, 194, 23 1
|
||
words of power, 29, 40, 49, 67,
|
||
69-71, 74, 229, 23 1
|
||
wraiths, 35, 152
|
||
Wright, Bessie, 205
|
||
Wright, William, 42, 219
|
||
wringing (see also: thrawing), 196
|
||
|
||
|
||
Zimimay, 96
|
||
ZIIM, 1 50, 1 54
|
||
|
||
|
||
ILLUSTRATION SOURCES
|
||
|
||
|
||
The modernized texts are based on my copy of the 1 924 Bodley
|
||
Head edition of King James the First Daemonologie, to which the
|
||
tract Newes From Scotland, declaring the Damnable Life and death
|
||
of Doctor Pian is appended. According to its editor, G. B. Harrison,
|
||
these works are "reprinted line for line and page for page" from the
|
||
original 16th century texts. The Bodley Head edition was published
|
||
jointly by John Lane the Bodley Head Ltd., London, and by E. P. Dut
|
||
ton and Company, New York.
|
||
All of the woodcuts used to illustrate this book were selected
|
||
from the same historical period during which the book was writ
|
||
ten, as nearly as this was possible. Where necessary for clarity I have
|
||
|
||
cleaned and enhanced the images, but their contents have not been
|
||
altered.
|
||
Illustrations 1, 1 4, 1 5, 1 6, 1 7, and 1 8 are to be found in the 1 924
|
||
Bodley Head edition of King James the First Daemonologie, pub
|
||
lished by John Lane the Bodley Head Ltd., London, and E. P. Dutton,
|
||
New York, in 1924.
|
||
Illustrations 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 1 1 and 13 are to be found in Picture
|
||
Book of Devils, Demons and Witchcraft by Ernst and Johanna Leh
|
||
ner, published by Dover Publications in 1971 .
|
||
Illustration 2 is to be found in the first volume (p. 597) of Hein
|
||
rich Cornelius Agrippa's two volume collection of works, Opera
|
||
omnia, which bears no date but was first published around the year
|
||
1600. This Latin work was reproduced in facsimile in two volumes
|
||
by Georg Olms Verlag of Hildesheim and New York in 1970.
|
||
Illustration 4 is found on p. 244 of the Discoverie of Witchcraft by
|
||
Reginald Scot, first published 1 584. The 1972 Dover Publications edi
|
||
tion is a reprint of the 1930 edition of John Rodker, London.
|
||
Illustration 12 is from Olaus Magnus's Historia de gentibus sep
|
||
tentrionalibus, 1 5 55. It is reproduced on the second unnumbered
|
||
plate following page 200 of A Treasury of Witchcraft by Harry E.
|
||
Wedeck, published in 1 96 1 by Philosophical Library, New York.
|
||
|
||
|
||
328
|
||
|
||
|
||
Illustration 19 is found on page 1 3 1 of the second volume of
|
||
Charles Mackay's Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and
|
||
|
||
the Madness of Crowds, published in its Third Edition in 1856 by G.
|
||
|
||
Routledge & Co., London. Mackay derived it from page 26 of the
|
||
|
||
first volume of the Pictorial Edition of the Works of Shakspere by
|
||
Charles Knight, published in 8 volumes in 1839. Knight's version is
|
||
a redrawing of a woodcut in the Praxis criminis persequendi by Mil
|
||
|
||
laeus, published at Paris in 1 541 . This woodcut appears as the fifth
|
||
|
||
plate following page 128 of Daniel P. Mannix's The History of Tor
|
||
|
||
ture, published in 1964 by Dell Publishing Company, New York.
|
||
Illustration 20 forms the title page of the first edition of
|
||
Newes from Scotland, published in 1 592 (not 1 59 1 even though
|
||
|
||
this date appears on the page). It is to be found on the Internet at
|
||
|
||
the Web site of Edward H. Thompson (http: I / homepages.tesco.
|
||
|
||
net/ <20>eandcthomp /newes.htm), and on several other Internet sites.
|
||
|
||
|